Of Conspiracies and Plots
Karin Friedemann
23 July 2009
Many blame Ashcroft, Cheney, and Bush for the ongoing campaigns against activists, politicians and organisations that try to help Arabs and Muslims.
Boston City Councilor Chuck Turner, a long time Palestinian rights advocate, told supporters that he believes former US Attorney General John Ashcroft personally orchestrated a sting operation to remove him from office. As in previous cases, strategic "media update sessions" put the media into a predatory frenzy before the accused even went to trial. Media accusations often do not even coincide with the actual charges.
Riad Hamad, founder of Palestinian Children's Welfare Fund in Texas, believed George Bush was after him. When Hamad died mysteriously and violently after a vicious media campaign libeling him as a terrorism supporter, police and FBI refused to investigate. Clearly, there was a conspiracy involving media and law enforcement. Yet for Bush personally to take such an interest in local politics is probably beyond plausibility.
This pattern of political persecutions from Turner to Chas Freeman can be best understood with a bottom-up approach. As Jewish wealth, power, and influence have increased, so has its ability to punish those offending the organised Jewish community in some way. While the Jewish power elite seems to enjoy legal immunity, Americans and US residents targeted by these powerful political economic oligarchs suffer media and governmental abuse. This is particularly true in the Boston area, which is now a major command and control centre for transnational Jewish politics and Zionist lobbying.
Although the pattern of abuse of power extends well beyond the Boston area, much if not most of Zionist social, political, economic, and academic misbehaviour links back to the Boston-area Jewish community or educational institutions where young Jews often first hook up with vast social networks.
Although the presence of extremist Zionists like Rahm Emanuel or Dennis Ross near the president is disturbing, lower rank staffers like Treasury Department official Stuart Levey or pro-Israel propagandist Matthew Levitt are far more threatening to US democracy. While serving the government, Boston-bred Levitt constructed a vast terrorist conspiracy out of paranoid Zionist fantasies trying to explain the refusal of Muslims to acknowledge that it was just to establish a Jewish state in Palestine.
In Levitt's delusions, to which other lesser ranking government officials like Daniel Pipes and Rachel Ehrenfeld contributed, Islamic finance and Islamic charity serve as a many-headed hydra of evil. Roots of the conspiracy involving Pipes, Levitt, and Levey lead back to the Boston area, where the Israel lobby is deeply embedded in the region's educational institutions.
Aafia Siddique, who was a graduate student in cognitive neuroscience at Boston area Brandeis University, was demonised as a terrorist to punish her Muslim activism at the Jewish institution. The case constructed against Siddiqui has the flavour of psychotic paranoia so common in Matthew Levitt's anti-Palestinian, Islamophobic fantasies. Understanding the centrality of Boston Jewish power in the USA requires a critical look at The Israel Lobby and US Foreign Policy. Professors Mearsheimer and Walt incorrectly claim the Israel Lobby is just another lobby even though the Israel Lobby is really the public face of an international web, which has rendered the USA a dependent intimidated client state within the Jewish imperial system.
Karin Friedemann is a Boston-based writer on Middle East affairs and US politics. She is Director of the Division on Muslim Civil Rights and Liberties for the National Association of Muslim American Women. Joachim Martillo contributed to this article.
Geen opmerkingen:
Een reactie posten