zaterdag 25 juli 2020

Resistance is no longer optional.

The Ugly Terror of a Fascist Abyss Lurks in the Background of This Pandemic

There are lessons to be learned regarding how history is reproduced in the present. First, there is the Trump administration’s caging of children on the southern border. Second, there is Trump’s threat to use “dominating force” and unleash the National Guard and police upon demonstrators peacefully resisting police violence against people of color. Third, as Jason Stanley points out, there is Trump’s relentless language of violence designed both to embolden second amendment gun rights activists toward committing violence and to dehumanize certain populations while attempting “to harness the emotion of nostalgia to the central themes of fascist ideology — authoritarianism, hierarchy, purity and struggle.”

Trump’s authoritarian impulses and fascist politics took a dangerous turn when he authorized the use of unmarked, military-clad federal law enforcement shock troops to round up and detain protesters in Portland, Oregon. The troops offered no proof of identification, drove around in unmarked cars, pulled people off the streets with no probable cause, provided no sense of whose directives they were acting under, or who was to be held accountable for their actions. Ted Wheeler, the mayor of Portland, called such actions “an attack on our democracy.” Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi tweeted in reference to Portland that, “Trump and his storm troopers must be stopped.”

We have seen this before under Hitler, Augusto Pinochet in Chile, and in other dictatorships. When such actions appeared in the past, dissidents, demonstrators and intellectuals disappeared, were beaten, tortured and interrogated in undisclosed sites, and in the worse scenarios, were murdered. What has happened in Portland suggests that the “war on terror” has shifted from abroad to the homeland. Outraged by such actions, Charles Pierce, writing in Esquire, suggests that this may be a trial run for an authoritarian state:

A major American city is being softly Pinochet-ed in broad daylight. And, if we know one thing, if this president and his administration get away with this, it will only get worse … this could be a dry run for the kind of general urban mobilization at which the president has been hinting since this summer’s protests began…. Portland may be a dumbshow for dummies, but it also looks like a dress rehearsal. This is not an “authoritarian impulse.” This is authoritarian government — straight, no chaser. And this administration has a powerful thirst for it. It will do anything if it thinks it can get away with it in order to benefit a president who wants to bring the Republic down on his head. Unmarked vehicles, disappearing people off the streets?

These events mimic, if not recall, an older period in history when Hitler, following the crisis produced by the Reichstag fire, seized upon the ensuing fear, terror and war fever to further consolidate his power. Trump pushing the United States to the edge of fascism in the midst of a pandemic by using the military to stifle domestic protests reinforces the seriousness of growing claims that the United States is moving closer to a full-blown authoritarian state.

A crisis has spread across the globe driven by a pandemic pestilence that exhibits a dystopian presence at odds with any just, prudent and equitable notion of the future. The U.S. is in a state of crisis. This, medical, racial, economic and educational crisis touches every aspect of public life. We are in a new historical period, one that has inherited a neoliberal legacy in which every aspect of society has been transformed and corrupted by the tools of financialization, deregulation and austerity. This is an era in which the scourge of neoliberalism merged with the ideologies of racial cleansing and a politics of disposability — an age in which economic activity was divorced from social costs, all the while enabling policies of racial cleansing and white nationalism to become defining features of the public sphere and an established mode of governance. 

We are also in a period in which the old social order is in the midst of a legitimation crisis and new political formations are trying to be reborn, to paraphrase the Italian Marxist Antonio Gramsci. Out of this period of uncertainty, new forces for change have appeared evident in the presence of millions across the globe protesting racial injustice and state violence. The COVID plague has produced an age of uncertainty, fragmentation, despair and a dire foreboding about the future. Certainties have been replaced by shared fears. More troubling is the apprehension that the present crisis has an air of longevity about it, constituting a turning point in history. The stark choice of what the future might look like appears to hang between the forces of despotism and democracy. Yet, as real as this foreboding appears, history is open, and how it will unfold remains in the balance. The pandemic is a crisis that cannot be allowed to turn into a catastrophe in which all hope is lost. On the contrary, the pandemic that threatens democracy’s ability to breathe should also offer up the possibility to rethink politics and the habits of critical education, human agency, values and what life would be like in a democratic socialist society. Amid the corpses produced by neoliberal capitalism and COVID-19, there are also flashes of hope, a chance to move beyond a contemporary resurgence of authoritarianism. This suggests rejecting the normalizing ideologies of a poisonous cynicism and a demobilizing conformity endemic to neoliberal capitalism. It also points to the need to reclaim a vision of a radical politics that is more compassionate, equitable, just and inclusive. 

Within a new wave of resistance and rebellion, anti-democratic principles that had been normalized are being questioned with an inspiring sense of collective urgency. This is especially true among people of color and others bearing the burden of economic and political colonialism. The horrors of inequality, compulsory austerity, defunding of public health systems, and the collapse of the economy in 2008 produced by four decades of neoliberalism are finally being acknowledged as the fundamental plague behind the current pandemic. This is a plague marked by egregious degrees of exploitation, unchecked militarism, and a racialized politics of disposability and terminal exclusion in which human beings are viewed as disposable, reinforced if not propelled by an ethos of white nationalism and white supremacy. This long residue of unbridled capitalism is inseparable from its deep-rooted institutionalized racism and a pestilence of disposability, updated into a form of neoliberal fascism.

Fascist principles now operate at so many levels of everyday society that it is difficult to recognize them, especially as they have the imprimatur of power at the highest levels of government. Fascist pedagogical ideas, practices and desires work through diverse social media platforms and mainstream and right-wing cultural apparatuses in multiple ways. This is the space of a pandemic pedagogy that is produced in the workstations and cultural apparatuses that function ideologically and politically to objectify people, promote spectacles of violence, endorse consumerism as the only viable way of life and legitimate a murderous nationalism. 

A pandemic pedagogy has emerged in the midst of this plague that makes ignorance a fundamental principle of politics, and in doing so, tends to function so as “to erase everything that matters.” Pandemic pedagogy works subconsciously as an affective mode of self-sabotage. It legitimates the discourse of hate in everyday exchanges, degrades people of color, promotes thoughtlessness through the ubiquity of celebrity culture, and produces an endless array of authoritarian pedagogical practices that serve to exploit, dominate and depoliticize us. In the pandemic fog of social and historical amnesia, moral boundaries disappear, people become more accepting of extreme acts of cruelty, and willingly submit to propaganda machines that disdain notions of truth and view any viable critique of power as “fake news,” all the while disconnecting language and policies from their social costs. 

This plague of neoliberal fascism is just one pestilence among many. This is a pestilence that engulfs U.S. society as memories of caged children disappear into a vaporized culture of immediacy, the killing of journalists is forgotten, and the lynching of Black bodies is buried beneath the discourse of a post-racial society. In addition, the terror of a fascist politics evaporates in the affective modalities of pleasure and fear, and a rampant culture of political theater and spectacles. 

As the underside of fascist politics, pandemic pedagogy closes down the space of translation, and thrives on a machinery of inscriptions that erases the notion that human beings are not only moral and political agents, but also historical subjects capable of both understanding and changing the world. This depoliticizing practice is not only a political and ethical issue but also an educational issue that connects the power of critical understanding to the capacity for action, empowerment and transformation. 

Pandemic pedagogy makes clear that the most important forms of domination are cultural, intellectual and pedagogical while embracing the tools of belief and persuasion as appropriate weapons in the struggle over meaning, knowledge, values and identities. This depoliticizing practice is not only a political and ethical issue but also an educational issue that undermines the power of critical understanding to produce the capacity for action, empowerment and transformation. Pandemic pedagogy functions as a propaganda machine to bury what Foucault once called “the dramaturgy of the real.” 

On the other hand, critical pedagogy works to establish a symbolic relationship with the world. It highlights the workings of power and the possibility to use the symbolic and pedagogical dimensions of struggle as weapons in the struggle over power, knowledge, agency and social relations. This is a pedagogy in which the political becomes more pedagogical by taking on the challenge of using the power of persuasion to change the way people see things and resist those ideas and institutions that thrive on the energies of the political zombies. Critical pedagogy deepens the role of the political by including and emphasizing the importance of the struggle over cultural meanings and identities as well as over more narrow political terrains like the workplace, schools and the state. If pandemic pedagogy fuels multiple forms of domination that accelerate the deaths of the unwanted and make social death a self-generated practice, critical pedagogy is the political antidote to such practices. 

As a counterpoint to existing pandemic pedagogies, the relationship among education, historical consciousness and political action points to new possibilities for change. And while historical consciousness can be both informative and emancipatory, it can lead to “malicious interpretations of the present, as well as elements of history that are difficult to accept.” The trajectory of history is not innocent and it needs to be interrogated in order to think through how we can build on it through a process of critique and possibility. At the level of critique, as Angela Davis has suggested, “we need to figure out context within which people can understand the nature of U.S. history and the role that racism and capitalism and heteropatriarchy have played in forging that history.”

On the more emancipatory and empowering side, critical pedagogy informed by the value of historical consciousness and moral witnessing can uncover dangerous memories and the narratives of those whose voices have been drowned out by those who have the power to write history to serve their narrow and reactionary interests. The greatest pandemic we face is the pandemic of ignorance and the willingness to surrender our power as individual and social agents to those who write the past and present in the scripts of domination. Pedagogy has never been more urgent as a political tool that can offer the resources to challenge the ideological, educational and militant practices deployed by emerging right-wing and fascist groups. Pedagogy is crucial for understanding how power shapes and is reinvented with respect to questions of culture, sexuality, history and political agency. 

As a political project, pedagogy is the struggle over those public and private spaces in which people’s everyday lives are aligned with particular narratives, identities, cultural practices and political values. As such, pedagogy is the essential scaffolding of social interaction and the foundation of the public sphere. It is a crucial political practice because it takes seriously what it means to understand the relationship between how we learn and how we act as individual and social agents; that is, it is concerned not only with how individuals learn to think critically, but how they come to grips with a sense of individual and social responsibility. At issue here is the crucial political question of what it means to be responsible for one’s actions as part of a broader attempt to be an engaged citizen who can expand and deepen the possibilities of democratic public life. Human agency is inseparable from the formative cultures and pedagogical practices that create the possibility of a mobilized citizenry and radical change.

As such, critical understanding is not just a state of mind but an empowering practice. It is the precondition for social change and pedagogy is crucial in shifting the way people view themselves, others and the larger world. Democracy requires a certain kind of subject who thinks in terms of broader solidarities and is willing to both translate private troubles into larger systemic considerations, to challenge the various threats being mobilized against the ideas of justice, equity and popular sovereignty. 

In order to make education central to politics, critical pedagogy should provide the capacities, knowledge and skills that enable people to speak, write and act from a position of agency and empowerment. In addition, it should energize individuals to think differently so they can act differently. For instance, the current mass rebellions against racism, inequality and injustice have embraced the pedagogical task of attempting to recognize those modes of agency, identity and values that have been erased from the script of economic, political and personal rights and freedoms. 

Agency is being rethought within a notion of freedom that expands human rights to the realm of economic rights. The notion of agency is severely limited and political and personal rights largely invalidated if one is engaged in a constant struggle to survive economically. In addition, individual freedom under neoliberal capitalism falls on the side of undermining the solidarities needed to live in a socially responsible and just society. As Frank Bruni observes, “along the way, we went from celebrating individual liberty to fetishizing it, so that for too many Americans, all sense of civic obligation and communal good went out the window.” 

We are in the midst of a crisis in which it is crucial for individuals and social movements to learn anew how to take responsibility, to learn how to listen, and to act with vigilance. The pandemics of injustice that are ushering in massive degrees of poverty, exclusion, suffering and death must be resisted with a new understanding of politics and agency. 

Moreover, the move from extending the capacities for individual agency must be expanded to a notion of social agency imbued with a sense of collective resistance. In the current historical moment, this points to the necessity to create an international social movement for the defense of public goods and the principles of a democratic socialist society. 

The pandemic crisis is much more than a medical crisis. At its core it is both a political and ideological crisis. It is both a crisis of agency and politics. If the radical political horizons of a future society are to be brought into fruition, it is crucial to engage those everyday pedagogical spaces where identities are produced, modes of recognition come into play and critical points of view can be redeemed. The energies of fascism have become less intense, more fragile, and open to challenge as the limits of right-wing and updated fascist populist movements become more visible. As the virus spreads, the merchants of misery and hate have no language to explain or address “the ubiquity of death” spreading across the planet. 

At the heart of the current pandemic crisis is the need for developing a new radical imagination and political language in which the crisis of citizenship is connected to the crisis of education, and the crisis of globalization is situated within the crisis of power. 

The most important challenge that the pandemic has produced is not simply how to stop the spread of the virus. We must also ask: What kind of society do we want in the future, how do we want to live and who will be the agents to address these issues? Under what narrative for justice will various resistance movements both domestically and internationally come together to put a stop to the pandemic of poverty, inequality, racism and militarism? The relevance of this challenge hinges on reclaiming the relationship between education and democracy and taking seriously the recognition that the force of education operates in multiple social and public spaces, and those spaces should be places where individuals can realize themselves as informed and critically engaged citizens. The current pandemic follows a wave of right-wing movements and modes of governing that want to destroy any vestige of a democratic imaginary and to relegate the value of ethical and social responsibility and the question of justice to the wasteland of political thought. 

The ugly terror of a fascist abyss lurks in the background of this pandemic, one that murders dreams, employs cynicism as commonsense, and prevents people from claiming any democratic sense of moral and political agency. What this dystopian pandemic can teach us is that democracy is fragile as “a way of life” and that if it is to survive, critical education and pedagogy must become central to producing citizens who are informed, politically aware and willing to produce a culture with the habits and sensibilities that keep a democracy alive. 

If the pandemic can teach us that democracy is only as strong as the people who inhabit it and who are willing to struggle to keep justice, equity and the principles of a socialist democracy alive, the ominous clouds of fascism will not prevail in the United States. Democracy needs to breathe again, inspired by the struggle to dismantle the death machine at the heart of empire. Resistance is no longer optional, given that both humanity and the life of the planet are at stake.

Henry A. Giroux currently holds the McMaster University Chair for Scholarship in the Public Interest in the English and Cultural Studies Department and is the Paulo Freire Distinguished Scholar in Critical Pedagogy. His most recent books include: Neoliberalism’s War on Higher Education (Haymarket 2014), The Violence of Organized Forgetting (City Lights 2014), Dangerous Thinking in the Age of the New Authoritarianism (Routledge, 2015), America’s Addiction to Terrorism (Monthly Review Press, 2016), America at War with Itself (City Lights, 2017), The Public in Peril(Routledge, 2018) and American Nightmare: Facing the Challenge of Fascism (City Lights, 2018) and The Terror of the Unforeseen (LARB Books, 2019). Giroux is also a member of Truthout’s Board of Directors.

Nederlandse Hypocrisie


Mossad Agent Jeffrey Epstein

EXCLUSIVE: Epstein accuser, now 22, breaks silence to reveal how pedophile raped and took her virginity aged 17 in 2015, as she believes he was abusing a 'second wave' of young girls up until his arrest

  • A new Jeffrey Epstein accuser has broken her silence to reveal how the pedophile raped her and took her virginity when she was 17 in summer of 2015
  • The former model, who DailyMail.com will call Marie to protect her identity, says she was abused during visits to Epstein's 'Harry Potter-style' mansion in NY
  • Marie, now 22, is believed to be one of the youngest women to come forward to claim compensation from his estate
  • She was recruited into Epstein's orbit by a 30-something woman named Madison, who set up a meeting with Epstein
  • Marie said at Epstein's mansion in 2014, he began touching her inappropriately and when she recoiled in shock, he said 'you suck mine, I'll suck yours'  
  • The next time Marie saw Epstein was after Madison invited her to a party and got her drunk, then took her in a SUV to Epstein's home in summer of 2015
  • She said Epstein raped her, saying: 'I had my eyes shut. It felt like forever. It was extraordinarily painful. I scratched him, I asked him to please stop. He didn't stop until he was finally done. Then he just got up and left'
  • Marie added: 'There's no reason to believe he ever stopped'
  • She hopes that her story will encourage other younger victims to come forward, saying: 'I want them to at hear someone their age speaking out' 

A 22-year-old Jeffrey Epstein rape survivor believes the warped financier was still abusing girls right up until his death – leaving behind a 'second wave' of younger victims too afraid to even tell their parents.

The former model, who DailyMail.com will refer to as Marie to protect her real identity, says she was raped and molested during two visits to Epstein's 'Harry Potter-style' mansion in New York, in the summer of 2015.

Epstein became embroiled in lawsuits, media storms rape and eventually an FBI investigation in his final years but Marie fears that no amount of press scrutiny or law enforcement activity would have deterred the multi-millionaire from seeking out fresh victims.

'I believe he was abusing young girls right up until the day he was arrested,' she tells DailyMail.com in an exclusive interview.

'There are likely to be multiple young victims out there who are still in their teens, perhaps still living with their parents and too ashamed and confused to speak out.

'I know how it feels because I was one of them. I thought about suicide, I tried to cut my wrists. These girls need support before it's too late. They need to know it's OK to tell their stories.'

After his arrest last July 6 on federal sex trafficking charges filed in the Southern District of New York, and knowing Epstein was in custody, Marie says she felt comfortable enough to contact the FBI and the NYPD to share her story.

She is now among the more-than-100 victims applying for compensation from Epstein's $630 million estate.

A 22-year-old Jeffrey Epstein survivor believes the warped financier was still abusing girls right up until his death – leaving behind a 'second wave' of younger victims too afraid to even tell their parents. New York, most recently in summer 2015. The former model, who DailyMail.com will refer to simply as Marie to disguise her real identity, says she was raped and molested during two visits to Epstein's 'Harry Potter-style' mansion in Pictured: Marie in 2014 - the year she first met Epstein

A 22-year-old Jeffrey Epstein survivor believes the warped financier was still abusing girls right up until his death – leaving behind a 'second wave' of younger victims too afraid to even tell their parents. New York, most recently in summer 2015. The former model, who DailyMail.com will refer to simply as Marie to disguise her real identity, says she was raped and molested during two visits to Epstein's 'Harry Potter-style' mansion in Pictured: Marie in 2014 - the year she first met Epstein 

In her first visit to Epstein's home in 2014, Marie says Epstein began touching her inappropriately. When she recoiled in shock, he assured her it was routine for young models to do 'favors' for older men in the fashion industry. 'He said something in Latin, along the lines of quid pro quo. I asked what it meant and he said, you suck mine, I'll suck yours,' she said. 'He laughed like an evil wicked little laugh.' Pictured: Epstein outside his New York home in  2015

In her first visit to Epstein's home in 2014, Marie says Epstein began touching her inappropriately. When she recoiled in shock, he assured her it was routine for young models to do 'favors' for older men in the fashion industry. 'He said something in Latin, along the lines of quid pro quo. I asked what it meant and he said, you suck mine, I'll suck yours,' she said. 'He laughed like an evil wicked little laugh.' Pictured: Epstein outside his New York home in  2015

'I believe he was abusing young girls right up until the day he was arrested,' Marie tells DailyMail.com in an exclusive interview. 'There are likely to be multiple young victims out there who are still in their teens, perhaps still living with their parents and too ashamed and confused to speak out. These girls need support before it's too late. They need to know it's OK to tell their stories'

'I believe he was abusing young girls right up until the day he was arrested,' Marie tells DailyMail.com in an exclusive interview. 'There are likely to be multiple young victims out there who are still in their teens, perhaps still living with their parents and too ashamed and confused to speak out. These girls need support before it's too late. They need to know it's OK to tell their stories'

Though the precise age range of Epstein's victims has not been disclosed by the various law firms representing them, Marie is believed to be one of the youngest women to come forward to claim compensation from his estate.

She asked to remain anonymous because she fears reprisals from Epstein's powerful friends and accomplices even now, nearly a year after the 66-year-old hanged himself in a New York jail cell.

Marie was an aspiring 16-year-old model in the fall of 2014 when she snuck out to a bar in Manhattan to have drinks with older girls. She found herself talking to a glamorous 30-something named Madison.

'Madison was everything I wanted to be, beautiful, confident, she knew everyone and everyone loved her,' Marie remembers.

'When she started talking to me, I was just moon eyed. ''Oh my gosh, I'm so happy she's talking to me''.'

The conversation quickly turned to a rich older friend who could introduce Marie to fashion industry Illuminati, including Les Wexner, the founder of Victoria's Secret.

Madison boasted that her wealthy pal could get Marie on the books at MC2, the modelling agency whose former CEO Jean Luc Brunel has faced allegations of sexual assault spanning three decades.

'She said her friend Jeffrey was very rich and he sometimes takes a liking to people and he helps them,' Marie recalls Madison telling her.

'She didn't mention money or sex. In hindsight it seems too good to be true. But her words were so alluring. It was like feeding candy to a baby.'

The next day Madison contacted Marie via Snapchat and asked her to meet Epstein for lunch at a VIP area of Manhattan restaurant La Esquina. 

The upmarket eatery just happened to be next door to the headquarters of top modelling firm, Supreme Management.

Though the precise age range of Epstein's victims has not been disclosed by the various law firms representing them, Marie is believed to be one of the youngest women to come forward to claim compensation from his estate. Pictured: Marie in 2015

Though the precise age range of Epstein's victims has not been disclosed by the various law firms representing them, Marie is believed to be one of the youngest women to come forward to claim compensation from his estate. Pictured: Marie in 2015

Marie remembers catching glimpses of older men and suspiciously young women who sipped champagne and talked among themselves in a lounge area as Epstein showed her around his $84 million townhouse

Marie remembers catching glimpses of older men and suspiciously young women who sipped champagne and talked among themselves in a lounge area as Epstein showed her around his $84 million townhouse 

Police raid Jeffrey Epstein's Manhattan townhouse in July
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'He was as charming as can be. He anticipated my questions, he knew exactly what to say,' Marie recalls. 'I was enchanted. It's like he put a spell on me.' 

She agreed to go back to Epstein's Upper East Side home to finish up the conversation.

It was nearby to a casting call she had scheduled for later that day and Marie thought to herself 'what would be the harm.'

When she reached the pedophile's 'hulking' brownstone residence it seemed 'to touch the sky'.

She was amazed one person could live alone in the sprawling 20,000 square-foot residence where Epstein hosted numerous famous figures over the years, including Britain's Prince Andrew.

Inside, Marie was unnerved by the foreboding, Gothic decor, likening it to Grimmauld Place from the Harry Potter franchise.

'He asked me how old I was, I told him I was 16 and he said I looked much younger, she recalls.

'He then took me on a tour and I started to get scared thinking I wouldn't be able to remember the way out.

'In Harry Potter there's this hallway with shriveled elves heads on it, he had a similar wall.

'There are also these velvet curtains with ghouls and screaming creatures hiding behind. There was a dark room at the house that had similar velvet curtains.

'I felt like every hallway was a maze and every room, a room of horrors.'

Marie remembers catching glimpses of older men and suspiciously young women who sipped champagne and talked among themselves in a lounge area as Epstein showed her around.

She recalls several creepy paintings, including a six-foot portrait of a woman she now recognizes as his alleged Madame, Ghislaine Maxwell, and a strange mural depicting Epstein behind barbed wire.

Marie was an aspiring 16-year-old model in the fall of 2014 when she snuck out to a bar in Manhattan to have drinks with older girls. She found herself talking to a glamorous 30-something named Madison. The next day Madison contacted Marie via Snapchat and asked her to meet Epstein for lunch at a VIP area of Manhattan restaurant, La Esquina

Marie was an aspiring 16-year-old model in the fall of 2014 when she snuck out to a bar in Manhattan to have drinks with older girls. She found herself talking to a glamorous 30-something named Madison. The next day Madison contacted Marie via Snapchat and asked her to meet Epstein for lunch at a VIP area of Manhattan restaurant, La Esquina

The same artwork has been described elsewhere as a bizarre depiction of the brief spell Epstein spent in prison after the 2008 'sweetheart deal' which let him avoid federal charges in Florida by admitting one count of procuring an underage girl for prostitution.

It was inside the dimly lit room with red velvet curtains that Marie says Epstein began touching her inappropriately.

When she recoiled in shock, he assured her it was routine for young models to do 'favors' for older men in the fashion industry.

'He said something in Latin, along the lines of quid pro quo. I asked what it meant and he said, ''you suck mine, I'll suck yours'',' she said. 'He laughed like an evil wicked little laugh.'

 He said something in Latin, along the lines of quid pro quo. I asked what it meant and he said, 'you suck mine, I'll suck yours'. He laughed like an evil wicked little laugh.

Marie says her distress became so obvious that Epstein relented, letting her go but not bothering to show her out of his sprawling home.

She was confused and upset by what had happened but presumed it was something that young models had to do to get their big break.

So when Madison messaged Marie in summer 2015 to invite her to a modelling party in Manhattan's trendy Meatpacking District, she agreed to go.

'No one seemed to care that I was underage,' said Marie, who had just turned 17. 'Madison was bringing me pink bellinis. She was on a mission to get me as drunk as she possibly could.'

Marie soon found herself being ushered towards a black SUV waiting to take her and several other girls back to the $84 million Epstein mansion, dubbed the House of Horrors.

This time Epstein led her to a dimly-lit massage room where he once more asked her age. 'I thought you were 14,' he replied, with an air of disappointment.

Marie says he ordered her to sit on a wooden, cushioned massage table before raping her.

This time Epstein led her to a dimly-lit massage room where he once more asked her age. 'I thought you were 14,' he replied, with an air of disappointment. Marie says he ordered her to sit on a wooden, cushioned massage table before raping her

This time Epstein led her to a dimly-lit massage room where he once more asked her age. 'I thought you were 14,' he replied, with an air of disappointment. Marie says he ordered her to sit on a wooden, cushioned massage table before raping her

'I had my eyes shut. It felt like forever. It was extraordinarily painful,' she recalls, her voice trembling.

'I scratched him, I asked him to please stop. He didn't stop until he was finally done. Then he just got up and left.

'The weird thing is that I didn't leave straight away. I went back downstairs to where the other girls were.

'For some reason I kept expecting him to come and apologize, I was very young and naive, and of course he didn't.

'I felt broken. It was horrible, just horrible. I lost my virginity to him.'

Marie never saw Epstein again but did hear from Madison, who only ever messaged via Snapchat, which deletes texts immediately after they are read, several weeks later.

I had my eyes shut. It felt like forever. It was extraordinarily painful. I scratched him, I asked him to please stop. He didn't stop until he was finally done. Then he just got up and left. 

This time the mysterious procurer invited her to Little St. James, one of Epstein's two private islands in the Caribbean.

'She said you're going to have so much fun, it's all beachfront, it's amazing, there are other girls going, you will love them, they will be like your little sisters,' Marie explains.

'I'm like OK, that's not normal. At my age I shouldn't even be going.

'I thought she was my friend, I wanted to warn her. I said please don't hang out with him again Madison, he raped me on top of the table.

'Within three seconds she basically saw my message and blocked me.'

Marie confided in a girlfriend her own age about one month after the rape, who urged her to go to the hospital for an examination.

But like so many others caught in Epstein's evil orbit, she was afraid to go to the police out of fear he could hurt her or destroy her fledgling career.

It wasn't until 2019 when another model contacted her to say the rich, silver-haired guy they had both met several years earlier in New York was in the news.

After his arrest last July 6 on federal sex trafficking charges filed in the Southern District of New York, Marie says she contacted the FBI and the NYPD to share her story.

She is now among the more-than-100 victims applying for compensation from Epstein's $630 million estate.

But civil lawsuits give a broader timeframe for his perverted attacks and a January 2020 suit filed by prosecutors in the US Virgin Islands alleges that Epstein trafficked, raped and abused children on his private island as recently as 2019, the year he was arrested and later found dead last August 10

But civil lawsuits give a broader timeframe for his perverted attacks and a January 2020 suit filed by prosecutors in the US Virgin Islands alleges that Epstein trafficked, raped and abused children on his private island as recently as 2019, the year he was arrested and later found dead last August 10

Marie never saw Epstein again but did hear from Madison, who only ever messaged via Snapchat, which deletes texts immediately after they are read, several weeks later. This time the mysterious procurer invited her to Little St. James, one of Epstein's two private islands in the Caribbean (pictured). When Marie told Madison Epstein raped her, Madison blocked her

Marie never saw Epstein again but did hear from Madison, who only ever messaged via Snapchat, which deletes texts immediately after they are read, several weeks later. This time the mysterious procurer invited her to Little St. James, one of Epstein's two private islands in the Caribbean (pictured). When Marie told Madison Epstein raped her, Madison blocked her 

Drone video reveals close up details of Epstein's secretive island
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The predator was subject to two criminal indictments: one focusing largely on his activities in Palm Beach, Florida prior to 2008 when Epstein signed a controversial non-prosecution deal to avoid federal charges, the other citing crimes against girls in New York, Florida and other locations between 2002 and 'at least in or about 2005.'

But civil lawsuits give a broader timeframe for his perverted attacks and a January 2020 suit filed by prosecutors in the US Virgin Islands alleges that Epstein trafficked, raped and abused children on his private island as recently as 2019, the year he was arrested and later found dead last August 10.

'There's no reason to believe he ever stopped,' Marie adds. 'Abuse was second nature to him. He didn't stop the first time he got arrested in Florida, in fact he realized, oh hey, I can get away with this. I'm invincible, I'm untouchable.

'Most of the victims we hear about are in their 30s and 40s. It's been incredibly hard on them but many of them are married, they have spouses, they have pulled their lives together.

'But for the second wave of victims, we are still young, it's still very fresh and we are still figuring things out. I saw other girls around my age, potentially younger. I'm sure he did some variation of what he did to me, to them.

If nothing more, I want them to at least hear someone their age speaking out about this. 

'What happened to all of them? Have they told anyone? I consider my dad to be very cool but imagine having to tell a very traditional father about that, there's not going to be a lot of understanding.

'If nothing more, I want them to at least hear someone their age speaking out about this.'

Today, Marie has given up on her dreams of becoming a model and says she suffers from PTSD, suicidal thoughts and panic attacks.

She's been in therapy for the past year after finally finding the courage to tell her father about the rape.

'I don't know exactly what happened in Florida the first time around but I know that had Jeffrey Epstein been apprehended and properly punished all those years ago, so many young girls would have been saved,' she adds.

'The people behind the plea deal should feel an existential pain in their gut for what they've done.'

Sometimes Marie feels that Epstein's death has 'robbed her of justice'; other times she wonders if there are yet more chilling twists to come.

'I don't believe he killed himself. It sounds creepy and messed up but myself and some of the victims, we would like to actually see the body,' she adds.

'My worst nightmare is that he's still alive and out there somewhere. Maybe one day I'm going to see a red dot come through my window and I'll be shot in the head.

'These rich a**holes are ruthless enough to kill off all the victims. All of us are on edge, even now.' 

Compensation fund for Jeffrey Epstein's victims is approved
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FBI quizzed Jeffrey Epstein survivor over his ties to President Bill Clinton and Britain's Prince Andrew 

Epstein survivor 'Marie' says FBI investigators showed her photos of Prince Andrew and Bill Clinton and asked whether she had spotted either man at the dead pedophile's Manhattan mansion, DailyMail.com can exclusively reveal.

The 22-year-old, whose real name we have agreed not to reveal, says the famous pair were among 20 or so different men whom agents brought up when she revealed her story to them last year.

Marie immediately recognized former President Clinton, 73, from the photos and was able to rule him out.

Epstein survivor 'Marie' says FBI investigators showed her photos of Prince Andrew and Bill Clinton and asked whether she had spotted either man at the dead pedophile's Manhattan mansion, DailyMail.com can exclusively reveal. Marie immediately recognized former President Clinton, 73, from the photos and was able to rule him out

Epstein survivor 'Marie' says FBI investigators showed her photos of Prince Andrew and Bill Clinton and asked whether she had spotted either man at the dead pedophile's Manhattan mansion, DailyMail.com can exclusively reveal. Marie immediately recognized former President Clinton, 73, from the photos and was able to rule him out

But she was less familiar with Prince Andrew, 60, whose friendship with the warped financier has come under intense scrutiny since Epstein's suicide last August.

'They asked who I may have seen and they asked specifically about him. I said, it's possible, there were lots of wealthy rich guys hanging about,' she told DailyMail.com. 'But I really don't remember meeting him.'

There's no information to suggest the Queen's son was visiting any of Epstein's properties from 2014 to 2015 and Marie doesn't remember hearing talk of a prince, nor meeting anyone with a British accent.

In an interview last November with the BBC Andrew said he stayed with Epstein in 2010 to tell him face to face that their friendship was over.

That was several years after Epstein was convicted and imprisoned in Florida for soliciting a minor.

But she was less familiar with Prince Andrew, 60, whose friendship with the warped financier has come under intense scrutiny since Epstein's suicide last August. The Duke of York continues to deny allegations that he had sex with Virginia Giuffre who says she was trafficked and pimped out to Epstein's powerful friends. Pictured: Epstein and prince Andrew in 2010

But she was less familiar with Prince Andrew, 60, whose friendship with the warped financier has come under intense scrutiny since Epstein's suicide last August. The Duke of York continues to deny allegations that he had sex with Virginia Giuffre who says she was trafficked and pimped out to Epstein's powerful friends. Pictured: Epstein and prince Andrew in 2010 

The Duke of York continues to deny allegations that he had sex with Virginia Giuffre - the Roberts - who says she was trafficked and pimped out to Epstein's powerful friends.

Flight logs reveal Clinton flew 26 times on the dead pervert's notorious private plane, dubbed the Lolita Express.

Ghislaine Maxwell, Epstein's alleged Madame, was also a guest at Chelsea Clinton's wedding however the former President has insisted he knew nothing about any crimes or underage sex.

Marie says agents also showed her photos of possible female accomplices to see if she recognized Madison, the mysterious procurer who reeled her in for Epstein before she was brutally raped in 2015.

She did not recognize any of the women, however, and Madison's identity remains a mystery.

'Madison always used Snapchat and another app, Telegram. They both delete messages as soon as you read them leaving no evidence behind,' Marie told DailyMail.com.

'As far as I know the FBI has absolutely no idea who she is.'

https://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-8552755/New-Epstein-victim-22-reveals-pedophile-took-virginity-raping-aged-17.html



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