While we may never know the full truth, we owe it to those harmed and killed to illuminate their stories.
June 22, 2023
Launched in the wake of the Nuremberg Trials, which exposed the extent of Nazi atrocities carried out in the name of science, involved a range of grotesque experiments on unwitting test subjects within and beyond U.S. borders. Newly revealed evidence exposes previously hidden links between MK Ultra experiments on Indigenous children in Canada and imprisoned Black people in the U.S.
On April 20, 2023, a group of Indigenous women known as the Kanien’kehà:ka Kahnistensera (Mohawk Mothers) achieved a milestone in their ongoing lawsuit against several entities, including McGill University, the Canadian government and the Royal Victoria Hospital in Quebec. The parties whereby archeologists and cultural monitors would begin the process of searching for unmarked graves, which the Mohawk Mothers believe are buried on the grounds of the hospital.
Over the preceding two years, approximately 1,300 unmarked graves, most of them containing the remains of Indigenous children, have been of five of Canada’s former residential schools. Throughout the 20th century, the residential school system — like the Indian Boarding School system, its U.S. counterpart — separated thousands of Indigenous children from their families, stripped them of their language and subjected them to various forms of abuse amounting to what a truth and reconciliation commission called “cultural genocide.” But as these horrific revelations demonstrate, the harm wasn’t only cultural — a 1907 investigation found that nearly one-fourth of school attendees graduation.
In October of 2021, new evidence surfaced linking disappeared Indigenous children to MK Ultra experiments conducted by CIA-sponsored researchers. A white Winnipeg resident named Lana Ponting that in 1958, when she was 16 years old, doctors from the Allan Memorial Institute, a former psychiatric hospital affiliated with McGill and the Royal Victoria Hospital, held her against her will, drugged her with LSD and other substances, subjected her to electroshock treatments, and exposed her to auditory indoctrination: playing a recording telling Ponting over and over again, that she was either “a bad girl” or “a good girl.”
Ponting also testified that “some of the children I saw there were Indigenous,” and that she befriended an Indigenous girl named Morningstar, who endured many of the same abuses, with the added indignity of being harassed because of her race. During a reprieve from her drug-induced haze, Ponting recalls sneaking out at night and happening upon “people standing over by the cement wall” with shovels and flashlights. She and other children had heard rumors that bodies were buried on the property. “I believe that some of them would be Indigenous people,” Ponting told the court.
Not only does her testimony corroborate what another Allan Memorial Institute survivor , but in 2008, the Squamish Nation included the psychiatric hospital in a containing unmarked graves.
The CIA, along with the U.S. and Canadian military and powerful U.S. charitable foundations, are directly implicated in this ordeal. According to John Mark’s 1991 book The Search for the Manchurian Candidate and Steven Kinzer’s 2019 book Poisoner in Chief, in 1977, in response to a Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) request, CIA archivists uncovered a previously hidden box of MK Ultra financial records revealing, among other things, that the Memorial Institute was home to MK Ultra “Subproject 68.” Under the leadership of psychiatrist Ewen Cameron, whom Ponting accused of raping her, experiments in this subproject sought to “depattern” people’s minds using violent methods Cameron termed “psychic driving.”
Although Cameron is among the most infamous MK Ultra doctors, he was not alone at McGill. As historian Alfred McCoy has shown in his 2006 book A Question of Torture, the sensory deprivation research of Donald Hebb, a McGill psychologist, was also covertly sponsored by the CIA.
“I feel like we’re closer to having our future generations heard, our past generations heard, and whatever has happened to our children that they have purpose,” remarked Kwetiio, after she and the other Mohawk Mothers to halt construction near the potential grave sites. As part of their struggle to uncover the truth, the mothers and their supporters have been collecting archival documents related to McGill experiments. Although none of them incontrovertibly prove their suspicions, the court’s recent injunction compelling McGill to expedite the release of restricted files has generated optimism that more pieces of the puzzle will soon come to light.
But what the Mohawk Mothers and their allies have found is compelling, particularly for me: I have spent the last several years researching the history of “behavior modification” programs in U.S. prisons. Tip of the Spear: Black Radicalism, Prison Repression, and the Long Attica Revolt (available in October 2023), uncovers the roots of the modern prison abolitionist movement and state efforts to destroy it during the 1960s and 1970s. It details a little-known program of prison-based scientific experimentation that intersects with the Mohawk Mothers struggle.
In 1966, New York Gov. Nelson Rockefeller, whose family foundation the Allan Memorial Institute, launched a partnership whereby a team of McGill consultants were brought to New York to establish programs and conduct research at the Dannemora State Hospital for the Criminally Insane, according to Canadian psychiatrist Bruno Cormier’s 1975 book The Watcher and the Watched. Located in a remote hamlet 25 miles south of New York’s northernmost border with Quebec, the institution confined prisoners who were transferred from other state facilities after being deemed “insane” by prison doctors.
The official purpose of the collaboration was to develop new methods for preventing recidivism. However, the program hosted “experimental studies of various aspects of criminal behavior,” . The following year an attendee of a conference about the program that a large number of its participants were Black.
authored by anthropologist Phillippe Blouin in support of the Mohawk Mothers identified the late psychiatrist Cormier as a person of interest. Blouin located correspondence between lead “Subproject 68” psychologist Cameron and Cormier, as a clinician at the Allan Memorial Institute during the 1950s and 1960s. Authored between 1957 and 1963, pertain to a proposal for a Pilot Centre for Juvenile Delinquency, which would include laboratories “for psychological studies, for work in genetics, for endocrinological investigations, for sociological studies, both within the unit and also for field work.”
Commenting on the proposal, Cormier suggests that the center’s purview should not be limited to rehabilitation. He stresses that “research of this kind should bring light on all behavioral problems” and that it had the potential to “bridge the research gap between juvenile delinquency and adult criminality.”
Not long after this exchange, New York officials selected him to lead the Memorial Institute’s partnership with the New York prison system. The man who helped make this happen was a German physician named , assistant director and subsequently director of the Dannemora hospital after practicing psychiatry in Iran and India during the 1940s. By 1969, Fink and some of the McGill consultants had trained prison guards in hypnosis and aversion therapy techniques, that an observer called “quite revolting both for those who watched and those who took part.”
The director of a think tank called the Narcotic and Drug Research Institute described Fink’s “Therapeutic Community” program in ways that are eerily similar to Cameron’s efforts to obliterate human consciousness in order to rebuild it anew. It “takes you back to a kind of kindergarten level and then brings you back up,” . Elsewhere, the autobiography of Malcolm X and laments the “growing number of aggressive, assertive black males” behind prison walls.
The Mohawk Mothers mentions Ernest G. Poser, a psychologist, whose research at McGill investigated “cross-cultural differences in tolerance to physical pain using deceptive means and what seemed like torture instruments.” It indicates that Poser “studied patients’ reactions to hypnotic suggestion during methohexitone-induced sleep,” a practice that brings Ponting’s experience of being “brainwashed” to mind. Poser, a colleague of McGill psychologist and sensory deprivation researcher Hebb, was also experimenting on incarcerated people in New York. In 1968, whether prisoners deemed “sociopaths” suffer from an adrenaline deficiency that prevents them from learning from “fear-producing experiences.”
To find out, he and a graduate student named Deborah G. Sittman injected them with adrenaline and subjected them to electric shocks. Wilfrid Derby, a student of Poser and Hebb, in which multiple prisoners would be strapped to an electroconvulsive therapy device and told they were in a competitive situation where the “loser” would receive the shock level set for him by his opponent.
Between September 9 and 13, 1971, nearly 1,300 incarcerated people rebelled in New York’s Attica prison. Most of them were Black, but a few, such as John Boncore “Dacajeweiah” Hill were Mohawk. New York’s partnership with McGill appears to have ended shortly after the uprising and the brutal state-orchestrated massacre that followed it. At roughly the same time, the Dannemora State Hospital was rebranded the Adirondack Correctional Treatment Education Center, and became home to a “new” behavior modification initiative called the Prescription (Rx) Program.
accused prison authorities of surreptitiously drugging their food and water and of attempting to turn them into “zombies.” A government panel noted that the program evoked “the spectre of the resocialization, rethinking, and brainwashing camps of totalitarian societies.”
According to Walter Dunbar, who had recently left the California prison system to become New York’s deputy corrections commissioner, the Rx Program prisoners guilty of “overt acts that incite, agitate, and provoke other inmates to militant, radical, and antisocial activities.” Such statements link the program to plantation discourses that , while implicating prison authorities in the use of behavior modification techniques for political ends: counterinsurgency.
Notably, Dunbar’s name released via FOIA by the CIA. The documents discuss agency-sponsored narcotics research on incarcerated people in Vacaville Medical Facility, a California prison that the New York prison system’s partnership with McGill.
The state-sponsored experiments of the Cold War era employed a range of scandalous methods to test whether human thoughts and behavior could be predictably controlled. The outcome of this research and the fate of its victims remain obscure, but a common thread runs across different experimental contexts. Researchers targeted and assaulted vulnerable populations who were incapable of granting consent and who were viewed as disposable. Their allegations were unlikely to be taken seriously and their avenues for redress were limited because they were institutionalized and from marginalized groups: Indigenous people, Black people, poor people, disabled people, children, prisoners, women and girls. This scientific violence was shaped by living legacies of colonialism and slavery, violence that continues in the ongoing “war on terror.”
While we may never know the full truth, we owe it to those harmed and killed to illuminate their stories. Groups like the Mohawk Mothers have promised to keep digging.
Live Reporting
Edited by Brandon Livesay
Get involved
Prigozhin's revolt a 'fairy tale' - expert
Michael O'Hanlon, an expert with the Brookings Institution, tells the BBC this deal "makes sense" because the situation in Russia was "extraordinarily risky" from Yevgeny Prigozhin's point of view.
"The idea that Prigozhin could somehow engender a broad-based mass revolt against Putin is really a fairly tale," O'Hanlon says.
However, it remains a "highly critical and dangerous moment" in Russia, O'Hanlon says.
Several questions also remain, including what kind of terms Prigozhin was offered and what prospects he has for staying alive, O'Hanlon says.
Mercenaries got within '200km of Moscow'
It's been a remarkable half hour with the sudden news that Wagner's soldiers will stop marching to Moscow.
Here's the full statement from the Wagner chief, Yevgeny Prigozhni:
"They wanted to disband the Wagner military company. We embarked on a march of justice on 23 June.
In 24 hours, we got to within 200km of Moscow. In this time we did not spill a single drop of our fighters' blood.
Now the moment has come when blood could be spilled. Understanding responsibility [for the chance] that Russian blood will be spilled on one side, we are turning our columns around and going back to field camps as planned."
Prigozhni's statement has been viewed on his Telegram channel more than three million times.
What was in the agreement and how was Belarus involved?
Abdujalil Abdurasulov
Reporting from Kyiv, Ukraine
Belarus strongman Aleksander Lukashenko has conducted talks with Evgeniy Prigozhin.
As a result of the negotiations that lasted for the whole day, Prigozhin has agreed to de-escalate.
Lukashenko’s press service reports the negotiations took place with Vladimir Putin’s agreement.
“Prigozhin has agreed to stop the march towards Moscow and take further steps to de-escalate the situation,” the statement says.
As part of the agreement, Wagner fighters get security guarantees.
What else was offered to Prigozhin and mercenaries is not clear.
Russia has been using the territory of Belarus to launch attacks on Ukraine since the beginning of the invasion, effectively erasing Belarus’ sovereignty.
And any signs showing that Putin’s grip on power is weaking threatens the regime in Minsk that is heavily dependent on Moscow.
Earlier today, Svitlana Tikhanovskaya, the opposition leader who challenged Lukashenko in 2020 presidential elections, said the Wagner’s rebellion “is the best chance to kick the Russian military out from [Belarus]”.
“If we miss this chance,” she said in her video appeal, “Russia will do to us exactly what they did to Ukraine.”
Prigozhin and Belarus president agreed to 'de-escalate situation'
BBC Monitoring
Belarusian leader Alexander Lukashenko has held talks with Wagner mercenary group head Yevgeny Prigozhin during which Prigozhin agreed to stop his troops and "de-escalate the situation", Rossiya 24 news channel said.
"Prigozhin accepted Lukashenko's proposal to stop the movement of Wagner in Russian territory and on further steps to de-escalate tension," Rossiya 24 said, quoting Lukashenko's press service.
It also said it was proving "possible to find an acceptable variant of de-escalating [the situation] with security guarantees for Wagner PMC's fighters".
Rossiya 24 said the conversation had been agreed with Putin.
BREAKINGWagner forces have halted advance on Moscow - reports
Wagner mercenary leader Yevgeny Prigozhin has put out a voice note on his Telegram channel saying he has has agreed to "stop" the movement of his troops who are advancing on the Russian capital.
We will bring you more updates shortly.
BBC Verify