Twee jaar geleden reisde ik weer eens anderhalve maand door de VS en zag er hoe vervallen het land eruit zag, zodra je het midwesten binnenrijdt. De mensen die ik sprak waren woedend op de politici, vertrouwden het hele systeem al lang niet meer. Ik probeerde vergeefs enkelen van mijn collega's erop te wijzen dat nu ook de middenklasse in het land de klappen kreeg en dat dit een enorme verschuiving zou geven, met uiteindelijk het gevaar van geweld. Ik kreeg te horen dat ik overdreef, per slot van rekening hoorden ze van de Nederlandse correspondenten nooit iets daarover en die konden het weten. Ik legden hen uit dat mensen als Twan Huys nooit verder dan New York en misschien Washington kwamen en niets van de VS wisten. Dat deze correspondenten de Amerikaanse commerciele media keurig napraten. En verdomd toen hij terug naar Nederland kwam zei Huys in een interview dat hij in die 7 jaar Amerika nooit dwars door het land was gereisd en dat graag nog eens had willen doen.Enfin, leest u dit eens voordat u voor verrassingen komt te staan:
The Almost-Done Deal, and the Era of Angry Populism
Wednesday 01 October 2008
by: Robert Reich, Talking Points Memo
Economist Robert Reich. (Artwork: The Economist)
Wednesday 01 October 2008
by: Robert Reich, Talking Points Memo
Economist Robert Reich. (Artwork: The Economist)
Editor's Note: The Senate passed the $700 billion economic bailout plan on Wednesday, while the House is expected to vote by Friday. -TO/ms
The Senate will vote tonight; the House is scheduled to vote tomorrow morning. Will the deal fly? Probably. Wall Street's gyrations since Monday have scared the hell out of a number of holdouts, notwithstanding all the negative emails and phone calls they continue to receive from constituents.
An important distinction here. While more Americans are coming around to "supporting" the bailout bill, the vast majority still hate the idea of bailing out Wall Street. They're for the bailout bill now only because they fear that a failure to pass it will have worse consequences -- drying up credit at a time when Main Street is struggling. But make no mistake: America is mad as hell. They resent what they perceive as extortion by the Masters of the Universe.
Angry populism has always been a potent force in American politics. And now, with wages dropping, jobs insecure, fuel and food and health-insurance costs soaring, and millions of homes in jeopardy -- and what's perceived to be a massive tax-payer bailout of some of the richest people in the land -- angry populism is about to explode. McCain has already tried to cast himself as an angry populist, even though he still wants to give the very rich a bigger tax cut than George W. gave them, and cut taxes on big corporations (oil companies alone would reap $1.2 billion a year under McCain's plan). Barack Obama, whose plans for middle-class tax relief and affordable health care will genuinely help America's middle and working classes, has been expressing more indignation lately on behalf of them. But anger doesn't come as easily to Obama as it does to McCain -- even though McCain seems quite ready to aim his anger anywhere and everywhere.
Democrats should be angry populists, given their traditional role of protecting and championing the underdogs in American politics, and especially considering the absurdly wide gap that's opened up between the rich and everyone else. But in recent years Democrats have ceded the mantle to Republicans, who now mimic the faux populism of Sean Hannity and other right-wing talk show demagogues. (The recent maneuvering in the House over the bailout bill is really over this. House Democrats are getting the same angry mail that House Republicans are receiving, and don't want to be seen as lending their support to this ugly bill without Republicans signing on.)'
An important distinction here. While more Americans are coming around to "supporting" the bailout bill, the vast majority still hate the idea of bailing out Wall Street. They're for the bailout bill now only because they fear that a failure to pass it will have worse consequences -- drying up credit at a time when Main Street is struggling. But make no mistake: America is mad as hell. They resent what they perceive as extortion by the Masters of the Universe.
Angry populism has always been a potent force in American politics. And now, with wages dropping, jobs insecure, fuel and food and health-insurance costs soaring, and millions of homes in jeopardy -- and what's perceived to be a massive tax-payer bailout of some of the richest people in the land -- angry populism is about to explode. McCain has already tried to cast himself as an angry populist, even though he still wants to give the very rich a bigger tax cut than George W. gave them, and cut taxes on big corporations (oil companies alone would reap $1.2 billion a year under McCain's plan). Barack Obama, whose plans for middle-class tax relief and affordable health care will genuinely help America's middle and working classes, has been expressing more indignation lately on behalf of them. But anger doesn't come as easily to Obama as it does to McCain -- even though McCain seems quite ready to aim his anger anywhere and everywhere.
Democrats should be angry populists, given their traditional role of protecting and championing the underdogs in American politics, and especially considering the absurdly wide gap that's opened up between the rich and everyone else. But in recent years Democrats have ceded the mantle to Republicans, who now mimic the faux populism of Sean Hannity and other right-wing talk show demagogues. (The recent maneuvering in the House over the bailout bill is really over this. House Democrats are getting the same angry mail that House Republicans are receiving, and don't want to be seen as lending their support to this ugly bill without Republicans signing on.)'
Lees verder: http://www.truthout.org/100208A
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