'Ma 1 juni 2009. Het laatste nieuws het eerst op nu.nl
Bij het vuurgevecht kwamen drie agenten, de twee Hamasstrijders en de eigenaar van het huis om het leven. Twee andere agenten raakten gewond.
Duizenden kogels
Een van de omgekomen Hamasleden was Mohammad Samman, een belangrijke commandant van de militaire vleugel van de radicaalislamitische beweging die ook door Israël werd gezocht.
Met zijn secondant had hij zijn toevlucht gezocht in de woning en weigerde zich over te geven. Volgens getuigen zouden tijdens de lange schotenwisseling ''duizenden kogels'' zijn afgevuurd.
Hamas reageerde furieus. Volgens een woordvoerder zijn de veiligheidskrachten van Fatah ''een rode lijn'' overgegaan. ''Hamas legt de complete verantwoordelijkheid voor deze lelijke misdaad bij Abbas en zijn veiligheidstroepen''.
Geen dialoog
De verhoudingen tussen de rivaliserende partijen zijn slecht, sinds Hamas in juni 2007 met geweld de macht greep in de Gazastrook.
De door het Westen gesteunde Fatahbeweging van de Palestijnse president Mahmoud Abbas heeft alleen nog de Westelijke Jordaanoever in handen. In beide Palestijnse gebieden komt het geregeld tot geweldsincidenten tussen de twee groepen.
Egypte bemiddelt tussen de twee partijen. Cairo hoopte uiterlijk 7 juli een overeenkomst tussen de twee partijen te hebben bereikt. Die deadline is door de recente ontwikkelingen ernstig onder druk komen staan.
Hamas liet zondag weten dat van een dialoog voorlopig geen sprake meer kan zijn. ''Fatah moet een keuze maken: praten met ons of het vieze werk van de zionistische vijand doen'', waarmee werd gedoeld op Israël.
Routekaart
Een medewerker van Abbas zei echter dat de arrestatie van extremisten belangrijk is met oog op een toekomstige Palestijnse staat. ''We hebben één gezag, één geweer, één wet nodig.''
Optreden tegen Palestijnse extremisten is een van de verplichtingen die aan de Palestijnen worden gesteld in de 'routekaart', waarmee de internationale gemeenschap een vredesregeling tussen Israël en de Palestijnen wil bewerkstelligen.
Abbas sprak afgelopen week in Washington met de Amerikaanse president Barack Obama en beloofde hem aan die verplichting te voldoen. Een andere verplichting is dat Israël moet stoppen met het bouwen van nederzettingen in Palestijns gebied.
Volgens Israëlische regering is dat echter geen optie, zeker niet zolang de Palestijnen onvoldoende zouden doen om Hamas te verslaan.
© ANP
ZIE OOK:
28/03/2009 Hamas pakt kopstukken Fatah op
14/02/2009 'Geen bestand met Hamas'
http://www.nu.nl/algemeen/1971991/geweld-fatah-en-hamas-laait-op-na-schietpartij.html
April 2008 Issue
"A Dirty War"
The Al Deira Hotel, in Gaza City, is a haven of calm in a land beset by poverty, fear, and violence. In the middle of December 2007, I sit in the hotel's airy restaurant, its windows open to the Mediterranean, and listen to a slight, bearded man named Mazen Asad abu Dan describe the suffering he endured 11 months before at the hands of his fellow Palestinians. Abu Dan, 28, is a member of Hamas, the Iranian-backed Islamist organization that has been designated a terrorist group by the United States, but I have a good reason for taking him at his word: I've seen the video.
It shows abu Dan kneeling, his hands bound behind his back, and screaming as his captors pummel him with a black iron rod. "I lost all the skin on my back from the beatings," he says. "Instead of medicine, they poured perfume on my wounds. It felt as if they had taken a sword to my injuries."
On January 26, 2007, abu Dan, a student at the Islamic University of Gaza, had gone to a local cemetery with his father and five others to erect a headstone for his grandmother. When they arrived, however, they found themselves surrounded by 30 armed men from Hamas's rival, Fatah, the party of Palestinian president Mahmoud Abbas. "They took us to a house in north Gaza," abu Dan says. "They covered our eyes and took us to a room on the sixth floor."
The video reveals a bare room with white walls and a black-and-white tiled floor, where abu Dan's father is forced to sit and listen to his son's shrieks of pain. Afterward, abu Dan says, he and two of the others were driven to a market square. "They told us they were going to kill us. They made us sit on the ground." He rolls up the legs of his trousers to display the circular scars that are evidence of what happened next: "They shot our knees and feet—five bullets each. I spent four months in a wheelchair."
Abu Dan had no way of knowing it, but his tormentors had a secret ally: the administration of President George W. Bush.
A clue comes toward the end of the video, which was found in a Fatah security building by Hamas fighters last June. Still bound and blindfolded, the prisoners are made to echo a rhythmic chant yelled by one of their captors: "By blood, by soul, we sacrifice ourselves for Muhammad Dahlan! Long live Muhammad Dahlan!"
There is no one more hated among Hamas members than Muhammad Dahlan, long Fatah's resident strongman in Gaza. Dahlan, who most recently served as Abbas's national-security adviser, has spent more than a decade battling Hamas. Dahlan insists that abu Dan was tortured without his knowledge, but the video is proof that his followers' methods can be brutal.
Bush has met Dahlan on at least three occasions. After talks at the White House in July 2003, Bush publicly praised Dahlan as "a good, solid leader." In private, say multiple Israeli and American officials, the U.S. president described him as "our guy."
The United States has been involved in the affairs of the Palestinian territories since the Six-Day War of 1967, when Israel captured Gaza from Egypt and the West Bank from Jordan. With the 1993 Oslo accords, the territories acquired limited autonomy, under a president, who has executive powers, and an elected parliament. Israel retains a large military presence in the West Bank, but it withdrew from Gaza in 2005.
In recent months, President Bush has repeatedly stated that the last great ambition of his presidency is to broker a deal that would create a viable Palestinian state and bring peace to the Holy Land. "People say, 'Do you think it's possible, during your presidency?'" he told an audience in Jerusalem on January 9. "And the answer is: I'm very hopeful."
The next day, in the West Bank capital of Ramallah, Bush acknowledged that there was a rather large obstacle standing in the way of this goal: Hamas's complete control of Gaza, home to some 1.5 million Palestinians, where it seized power in a bloody coup d'état in June 2007. Almost every day, militants fire rockets from Gaza into neighboring Israeli towns, and President Abbas is powerless to stop them. His authority is limited to the West Bank.
It's "a tough situation," Bush admitted. "I don't know whether you can solve it in a year or not." What Bush neglected to mention was his own role in creating this mess.
According to Dahlan, it was Bush who had pushed legislative elections in the Palestinian territories in January 2006, despite warnings that Fatah was not ready. After Hamas—whose 1988 charter committed it to the goal of driving Israel into the sea—won control of the parliament, Bush made another, deadlier miscalculation.
Vanity Fair has obtained confidential documents, since corroborated by sources in the U.S. and Palestine, which lay bare a covert initiative, approved by Bush and implemented by Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice and Deputy National Security Adviser Elliott Abrams, to provoke a Palestinian civil war. The plan was for forces led by Dahlan, and armed with new weapons supplied at America's behest, to give Fatah the muscle it needed to remove the democratically elected Hamas-led government from power. (The State Department declined to comment.)
But the secret plan backfired, resulting in a further setback for American foreign policy under Bush. Instead of driving its enemies out of power, the U.S.-backed Fatah fighters inadvertently provoked Hamas to seize total control of Gaza.
Some sources call the scheme "Iran-contra 2.0," recalling that Abrams was convicted (and later pardoned) for withholding information from Congress during the original Iran-contra scandal under President Reagan. There are echoes of other past misadventures as well: the C.I.A.'s 1953 ouster of an elected prime minister in Iran, which set the stage for the 1979 Islamic revolution there; the aborted 1961 Bay of Pigs invasion, which gave Fidel Castro an excuse to solidify his hold on Cuba; and the contemporary tragedy in Iraq.'
Lees verder:
http://www.truthout.org/docs_2006/030508A.shtml Of: http://www.vanityfair.com/politics/features/2008/04/gaza200804
Revealed: the US plan to start a Palestinian civil war Report, The Electronic Intifada, 4 March 2008
United States officials including President George W. Bush and Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice participated in a conspiracy to arm and train Contra-style Palestinian militias nominally loyal to the Fatah party to overthrow the democratically-elected Hamas government in the Occupied Palestinian Territories, an investigative article in the April 2008 issue of Vanity Fair has revealed. [1]The allegations of such a conspiracy, long reported by The Electronic Intifada, are corroborated in Vanity Fair with confidential US government documents, interviews with former US officials, Israeli officials and with Muhammad Dahlan, the Gaza strongman personally chosen by Bush.The article, by David Rose, recounts gruesome torture documented on videotape of Hamas members by the US-armed and funded militias under Dahlan's control. Hamas had repeatedly alleged such torture as part of its justification for its move to overthrow the Dahlan militias and take full control of the interior of the Gaza Strip in June 2007.Vanity Fair reported that it has "obtained confidential documents, since corroborated by sources in the US and Palestine, which lay bare a covert initiative, approved by Bush and implemented by Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice and Deputy National Security Adviser Elliott Abrams to provoke a Palestinian civil war." The magazine adds that the plan "was for forces led by Dahlan, and armed with new weapons supplied at America's behest, to give Fatah the muscle it needed to remove the democratically-elected Hamas-led government from power."Abrams was one of the key Reagan administration figures involved in the Iran-Contra scandal in the 1980s, whereby the US illegally armed militias in Nicaragua to overthrow the ruling Sandinista government. Abrams was convicted and later pardoned for lying to Congress.While it has been known that the US engaged in covert activity to subvert Palestinian democracy and provoke Palestinians to shed each other's blood, the extent of the personal involvement of top US officials in attempting to dictate the course of events in Palestine -- while publicly preaching democracy -- has only now been brought to light. Bush met and personally anointed Dahlan as "our guy" in 2003. In July 2007, The Electronic Intifada reported on a leaked letter written by Dahlan and sent to the Israeli defense minister in which he confirmed his role in a conspiracy to overthrow then Palestinian Authority President Yasser Arafat for whose replacement Bush had publicly called. Dahlan wrote: "Be certain that Yasser Arafat's final days are numbered, but allow us to finish him off our way, not yours. And be sure as well that ... the promises I made in front of President Bush, I will give my life to keep."The US planning to overthrow the government elected by Palestinians under occupation began immediately after the Hamas movement won a clear victory in the January 2006 election for the Palestinian Legislative Council. Hamas, however, proved "surprising resilient."At a meeting at Abbas' Ramallah headquarters in October 2006, Rice personally ordered Abbas to dissolve the government headed by Hamas' Ismail Haniyeh "within two weeks" and replace it with an unelected "emergency government."When Abbas failed to act promptly on Rice's order, the US stepped up its efforts to arm Dahlan in preparation for the attempted coup. Hamas foiled the coup plot by moving preemptively against Dahlan's gangs, many of whom refused to fight despite being furnished with tens of millions of dollars in weapons and training. The US-conceived "emergency government" headed by a former World Bank official, Salam Fayyad, was eventually appointed by Abbas, but its authority is limited to parts of the Israeli-occupied West Bank.While the United States and Israel were the driving forces behind the civil war and coup plot, others had a hand including several Arab states and their intelligence services. "The scheme," Rose writes, "bore some resemblance to the Iran-contra scandal" in that "some of the money for the [Nicaraguan] contras, like that for Fatah, was furnished by Arab allies as a result of US lobbying."'
Meer over de ANP-propaganda morgen.
3 opmerkingen:
Email dd 19 december 2007
U stelt ook dat het geweldsmonopolie bij Hamas als grootste partij ligt. Dat is niet zo. De Palestijnse wet geeft de meeste macht aan de president, niet aan de regering. Daarmee spreek ik niet tegen dat Hamas democratisch gekozen is en de grootste partij in het parlement. Ook ontken ik niet dat er sprake is van machtsmisbruik door Fatah. Hierover hebben wij ook bericht. Wat we wel kunnen concluderen is dat er veel mis is met het democratisch gehalte van de Palestijnse Autoriteit, Fatah en Hamas.
Henderiekus Wiltjer, ANP
Israeli diplomats told to take offensive in PR war against Iran
Organizing demonstrations in front of Iranian consulates worldwide, staging mock stonings and hangings in public, and launching a massive media campaign against Iran - these are just some of the steps Israeli diplomats have been told to take in the coming weeks. The goal, according to a senior Foreign Ministry official, is "to show the world that Iran is not a Western democracy" in the run-up to the country's presidential election on June 12.
About a week ago, the head of the ministry's Task Force on Isolating Iran sent a classified telegram to all Israeli embassies and consulates, titled "Activities in the Run-up to Iran's Presidential Election." It detailed things Israeli representatives should do before, during and after the election.
het antwoord van het anp is fout aangezien al sinds 9 januari van dit jaar de ambtstermijn van de president is afgelopen en hij dus geen president meer is. bovendien rechtvaardigt niets de gewapende opstand tegen de wettig gekozen regering, hoe graag het anp dat ook zou willen.
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