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zondag 28 december 2008

Obama 72

'Obama v. Richard Falk on Israel and Occupied Palestine -
Written by Stephen Lendman
Obama leaves no ambiguity where he stands. From public statements, campaign pledges, policy advisors, and war cabinet selections, his positions affirm:
— one-sided pro-Israeli zealotry;
— continued Palestinian oppression;
— no end to the Iraq war and occupation;
— possibly attacking Iran and/or allying with Israel to do it;
— pursuing an imperial agenda; targeting Pakistan, Russia and other countries;
— expanding the size of the military; increasing expenditures for it; and
— providing Israel annually with billions of dollars; the latest weapons and technology; the same zero interest rate loans Wall Street gets; liberal debt forgiveness; virtually anything Israel requests on the pretext of security, to wage aggressive war, or expand its illegal settlements; and
— acquiescing and remaining silent after Israel insulted a high UN official by harassing and detaining him, then expelling him from the country
.


Last March, Richard Falk replaced John Dugard as the UN Human Rights Council's (UNHRC) Special Rapporteur on Occupied Palestine. UNHRC is mandated:
— to promote and protect human rights globally;
— detect and speak out objectively against violations and violators;
— "provide a forum for identifying, highlighting and developing responses to today's human rights challenges,
— act as the principal focal point of human rights research, education, public information, and advocacy activities in the United Nations system," and
— respect the rights of everyone irrespective of nationality, ethnicity, race, gender, language, age, or religion "as stipulated in the United Nations Charter."Navanethem Pillay became Human Rights High Commissioner last July. Richard Falk has regional responsibility for Occupied Palestine. On December 14, he arrived at Ben Gurion airport, Tel Aviv to perform his assigned duties. He led a three-person mission that intended to visit the West Bank and Gaza, assess conditions on the ground, then report on Israel's compliance with human rights standards and international humanitarian law. Israel was informed of his trip, his itinerary, individuals he planned to meet with, and issued visas for himself, a staff security person, and an assistant. Falk had no reason to expect interference, and as he put it: "I would not have made the long journey from California, where I live, had I not been reasonably optimistic about my chances of getting in." Nonetheless, he was denied entry and harassed as follows:— despite his UN status, he was put in a holding room with about 20 others experiencing entry problems;— then "treated not as a UN representative, but as some sort of security threat, subjected to an inch-by-inch body search and the most meticulous luggage inspection I have ever witnessed;"— separated from his two UN companions; they were allowed entry and taken to the airport facility about a mile away;— required to put his luggage and cell phone in a room, then taken to a "locked tiny room that smelled of urine and filth;"— five other detainees were with him in very cramped, uncomfortable quarters;— he was confined there for the next 15 hours, "which amounted to a cram course on the miseries of prison life, including dirty sheets, inedible food and lights that were too bright or darkness controlled from the guard office;"— Israel's "obvious intention (was) to teach me, and more significantly, the UN a lesson: there will be no cooperation with those who make strong criticisms of Israel's occupation policy."Israel accuses Falk of bias for making inflammatory comments about its occupation of Palestine. He rejects the charge and asserts that, like his predecessor John Dugard (whom Israel earlier assailed) he assesses facts and relevant law truthfully. "It is the character of the occupation that gives rise to sharp criticism of Israel's approach," especially its collective punishment of 1.5 million Gazans under siege. Although denied entry and expelled, Falk insists that he'll continue "to use all available means to document the realities of the Israeli occupation" and report as fully and truthfully on them as possible.He's mandated to assess conditions on the ground, prepare detailed reports on what he finds, keep the UN fully informed, the public worldwide as well, and recommend ways of remediating violations. As an international law expert, he's eminently qualified for the task.Since assuming his post in May, he's been denied entry into Israel and Occupied Palestine. On August 25, he submitted his first report covering the first half of 2008. He criticized the deteriorating human rights conditions for Palestinians, called Israel's violations grave, singled out the Gaza siege and a crackdown on free expression and peaceful assembly.Earlier this year, Israel denied a Bishop Desmond Tutu-headed UNHRC mission entry as well. He was delegated to investigate the Israeli occupation force November 2006 Beit Hanoun massacre, an appalling act of mass murder killing 18 civilians (including seven children and six women) and wounding 53 others. The mission had to enter Gaza from the Egyptian side through the Rafah International Crossing Point, but even that way is rarely easy.Other international delegations have been obstructed as well, including diplomats, humanitarian workers, and journalists. Last November, the IDF stopped an EU one and one other comprised of 20 representatives of international organizations seeking entry into Gaza. Israel is extremely brazen, so far with no world community condemnation of its practices.As a UN member and signatory to various human rights conventions, it must honor their mandates. Nonetheless, it doesn't as well as much other international law and UN resolutions going back to the 1947 General Assembly Partition Plan (Resolution 181). It divided Palestine 56 - 44% for Israel. When Arabs were nearly 70% of the population, Jews got most of the fertile land, nearly all urban and rural territory, 400 of over 1000 Palestinian villages, but it wasn't enough. After Israel's 1948 "War of Independence," it secured 78% of Mandatory Palestine, expelled or killed about 800,000 Palestinians, destroyed 531 of their villages, 11 urban neighborhoods, and committed grievous crimes of war and against humanity. They've been documented and included:— cold-blooded massacres of civilian men, women, children, the elderly and infirm;— destruction of homes, villages and crops;— mass instances of rape; and— other atrocities on a vast scale.'

De Israelische Terreur 515

Terwijl de Nederlandse commerciele massamedia de pro-Israel propaganda blijven nakwaken gaan de buitenlandse journalisten aan de slag. De Independent bericht:

'Inside Gaza: 'The hospital morgues were already full. The dead were piled on top of each other outside'
By Sami Abdel-Shafi in Gaza city Sunday, 28 December 2008

I am safe, and yet I feel like a walking dead person. Everything around me shows it. It is hard to write something of any coherence while exposed to cold winter air and to the smell that lingers after the detonation of Israeli bombs. They must have been massive. During the bombing I opened all the windows around my apartment to avoid them imploding as a result of the vacuum shocks sweeping through Gaza City after each enormous bang. While the bombing continued, I jumped down two flights of stairs to my father's house, to make sure he was OK. Should I open up all his windows too? That would expose the old man to the risk of illness. We have no medical care or medication. However, the risk from shattering glass was greater, so I opened them all.
Mobile phones did not work, because of electricity outages and the flood of attempted calls. I flipped the electricity generator on so that we could watch the news. We wanted to understand what was going on in our own neighbourhood. However, this was impossible. Israeli surveillance drones flew overhead, scrambling the reception. All I could do was step outside, where I found crowds of frantic people, lines of rising smoke and the smell of charred buildings and bodies that lay around targeted sites nearby. Somebody said the bombs had been launched in parallel raids over the entire Gaza Strip. What was the target here? Perhaps a police station about 200 metres away. Other bombs annihilated blocks less than a kilometre away, where one of the main police training centres stood. When the strikes began, a graduation ceremony for more than 100 recruits in a civil law enforcement programme was under way. These were the young men trained to organise traffic, instil civil safety and maintain law and order. Many of them were killed, it is said, in addition to the Gaza Strip's police chief.'

Ankie Rechess van NOVA



Links op de foto ziet u Ankie Rechess, de NOVA-correspondente in Israel, bij het monument voor onder andere haar vermoorde man, een van de twaalf Israelische sporters die in 1972 bij een Palestijnse aanval werd gedood.

Dit is het officiele bijschrift: 'Bij het monument van de 12 Israëlische gevallen atleten bij de Olympische Spelen in München sprak Ankie Reches over de laatste momenten van haar man die daar vermoord werd, en legden Marijke Barend en Anneke Bongaarts (van Dorp) een krans.' Zie: http://www.israelactie.nl/missies/missions.html

In 2006 publiceerde ik dit over Rechess:

'De NOS doet niet eens een poging om onafhankelijk te lijken. Een van de correspondenten van de NOS/NOVA/NPS in Israel is Ankie Rechess. Ankie Rechess is ''de weduwe van Andrei Spitzer, ( een schermer die in ’72 tijdens de Olympische Spelen door Palestijnen werd vermoord SvH) Ankie Rechess (van origine Nederlandse) vertelde ons tot in detail welke gruwelijke martelingen de atleten hebben moeten ondergaan alvorens ze omgebracht werden. Destijds heeft dit haar ter plekke doen besluiten, dat dit zich nooit mag herhalen en ook nooit vergeten mag worden. Met bewonderenswaardige volharding bezoekt zij sindsdien alle Olympische spelen en probeert elke keer weer een waardige herdenking te bewerkstelligen,'' aldus de Collectieve Israel Actie. Zie: http://www.israelactie.nl/content.php?id= 40 Het zal duidelijk zijn dat mevrouw Rechess na zo’n traumatische gebeurtenis alles behalve onafhankelijk kan berichten over Israel, laat staan over de Palestijnen, en toch is zij correspondente van de NOS en VRT.' Lees verder: http://stanvanhoucke.blogspot.com/2006/06/joris-luyendijk-2.html

Welnu, gisteravond kreeg Ankie Rechess als correspondente van NOVA ongeveer zes minuten de tijd om haar pro-Israel verhaal af te steken in de uitzending van NOVA, en opnieuw deed ze geen enkele serieuze poging om onafhankelijk te lijken, laat staan te zijn. Gezien haar trauma kan dat ook niet, het is onmenselijk om dat van haar te eisen. Zelfs haar taalgebruik is dat van de zionistische havikken, met begrippen als 'Israelische Arabieren,' het jargon van zionisten als Rechess die weigeren te aanvaarden dat deze 'Arabieren' Palestijnse Israelis zijn, van wie de families daar al eeuwen zo niet millennialang leven. Het zionistische beeld moet blijven bestaan dat hier sprake is van een land zonder volk voor een volk zonder land. Arabieren kunnen volgens deze leugen overal leven, behalve dan in 'het beloofde land'.

De vraag is of de NOS, NOVA, ooit een Palestijnse mannelijke of vrouwelijke correspondent in dit gebied zou benoemen van wie de levenpartner bij een gewelddaad door een joods-Israeli vermoord is. Het antwoord is: nee. Daarom is de volgende vraag legitiem: waarom verdeelt de NOS, NOVA, de wereld in Joden en niet-Joden. Waarom kan Ankie Rechess wel haar pro-Israel propaganda blijven bedrijven via een zender die door belastingbetalers wordt gefinancierd, terwijl een Palestijn met of zonder een vermoorde partner nooit zal worden aangesteld als crrespondent, laat staan propaganda kan bedrijven voor de eigen zaak? Alleen in Nederland is een dergelijke dwaasheid mogelijk. En zelfs het stellen van deze vraag leidt tot grote consternatie bij de pro-Israel lobby.

Hoelang zal die vertoning met Ankie Rechess doorgaan? Waarom hanteren de NOS, NOVA geen journalistieke criteria?

Zie: http://www.novatv.nl/index.cfm?ln=nl&fuseaction=videoaudio.details&reportage_id=6589 En:
http://www.novatv.nl/novaplayer/player169.html?bw=bb&player=wmp&id=rep-6589-0&x=19&y=8#

De CIDI Propaganda 2

Deze man links is Ronny Naftaniel, directeur van de volgens Haaretz 'pro-zionistische lobbygroep' het CIDI. Ronny Naftaniels organisatie is van mening dat de 'Israelische actie een gerechtvaardigd antwoord [is].' Ik ben van mening dat een organisatie die de dood van talloze burgers, onder wie -- volgens getuigen -- vrouwen en kinderen, 'een gerechtvaardigd antwoord' vindt een criminele organisatie is, en dat maakt Ronny Naftaniel de directeur van een criminele organisatie, die zich voor de rechter zou moeten verantwoorden voor het feit dat zijn organisatie propaganda maakt voor oorlogsmisdaden en terreur. Dat is niet alleen mijn mening, maar het internationaal recht bepaalt dat een aanval op de burgerbevolking een oorlogsmisdaad is, net zoals het bombardement van Rotterdam een oorlosmisdaad was. Dat werd bepaald tijdens de processen van Neurenberg. Voor alle duidelijkheid: Nafataniels 'pro-zionistische lobbygroep' vindt de slachtpartij die u op onderstaande foto's ziet 'gerechtvaardigd'.






















De laatste foto is gemaakt bij een vorige Israelische terreuraanslag.

De Israelische Terreur 514

De Nederlandse politiek accepteert dat Israel een hoge VN-waarnemer belemmert onderzoek te doen naar de mensenrechten in bezet en belegerd gebied. Als de Palestijnen dit zouden doen dan zou de wereld te klein zijn. Waarom verdelen de Nederlandse politici de wereld in Joden en niet-Joden?

'Q&A: Israel Bars Credible Observers from Gaza

Thalif Deen Interviews U.N. Human Rights Expert RICHARD FALK
UNITED NATIONS, Dec 26 (IPS) -

The U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights Navi Pillay last week lambasted the Israeli government for detaining and expelling a human rights expert, Richard Falk, who was on a U.N.-mandated assignment to probe the human rights situation in the occupied territories. "It is difficult to assess Israel’s motives for barring my entry to the Occupied Palestinian Territories, but it certainly seems to fit with a pattern of minimising to the extent possible, reporting on the realities of the occupation, especially in Gaza," Falk told IPS. Falk, whose official title is U.N. Special Rapporteur for Human Rights in the Occupied Palestinian Territories, is a Professor of International Law who has taught at several U.S. academic institutions, including Princeton, Ohio State and the University of California. The detention and expulsion were "unprecedented and regrettable," Pillay said, complaining that Falk was not only separated from two U.N. staffers accompanying him but was also held incommunicado for more than 20 hours at the Ben Gurion airport last week and denied the use of his U.N.-issued cell phone. Pillay, whose criticism of Israel was backed by Secretary-General Ban Ki- moon, said U.N. human rights experts reporting to the Geneva-based Human Rights Council do not require a formal invitation by Israel to carry out official missions to the occupied Palestinian territories. According to the U.N., Israel has kept the border crossings into Gaza closed for almost two months -- cutting off food supplies and humanitarian aid to Palestinians. The borders have been closed on the grounds that Palestinian militants have been firing rockets into Israeli territory. While condemning the rocket attacks, Ban has urged Israel to lift the blockade and permit the delivery of humanitarian aid to the 1.5 million Palestinians in Gaza. But his appeal has fallen on deaf ears. Asked if he was barred from the occupied territories because Israel had plenty to hide, Falk told IPS U.N. Bureau Chief Thalif Deen: "In recent months Israel has prevented credible observers from Gaza -- such as fellowship students and journalists, from leaving; and disallowing similar qualified observers to enter." This tactic, he said, is reinforced by Israeli efforts to shift attention from the truthfulness and accuracy of what is observed to the supposed bias of the observer. "It is a mind game that has proved very effective with the media, especially in the United States," Falk said. Falk explained that the fact that high-ranking U.N. officials have spoken out with grave concern about the unfolding humanitarian catastrophe in Gaza is a strong indication of how desperate the situation has become. "Because of the strong influence of the United States within the United Nations, U.N. civil servants and officials have been reluctant in the past to criticise Israel," he added. Excerpts from the interview: '

De Israelische Terreur 513

Nu de Nederlandse correspondenten met vakantie zijn of anderszins feest vieren, zullen meer mensen buitenlandse bronnen raadplegen. Dat is verheugend, want die zijn ook meteen veel onafhankelijker. De internationale pers vertelt dingen die Nederlandse journalisten niet durven te melden. Leest u zelf maar:

http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2008/dec/27/israelandthepalestinians-terrorism


'To be in Gaza is to be trapped

Peter Beaumont, foreign affairs editor
guardian.co.uk, Sunday 28 December 2008 00.05 GMT

Gaza. Always the suffering of Gaza, most potent symbol of the tragedy of Palestine. In 1948, during the Nakba – or "The Catastrophe" as Palestinians describe the war that gave birth to the state of Israel – 200,000 refugees poured into Gaza, swelling its population by more than two-thirds. Then Gaza fell under Egyptian control.
The six day war of 1967 saw more refugees, but with it came the occupation of Gaza by Israel – an occupation that, despite Israel's declaration under Prime Minister Ariel Sharon that it would unilaterally withdraw its settlements and troops in 2005, has never really ended.
It has not ended, for to be in Gaza is to be trapped. Without future or hope, limited to a few square miles. Its borders, land and sea, are defined largely by Israel (with Egypt's compliance along the southern end of the Strip).
It is not open to the ocean apart from a narrow outlet accessible only to the fishing fleet, a coastal blockade policed by Israel's gunboats, the boundaries of which have only recently been tested by boats of protesters sailing from Cyprus to draw attention to conditions inside Gaza.
Once it was possible for Gazans to pass with relative ease in and out of the Strip to work in Israel. In recent years, the noose around the 1.5 million people living there has been tightening incrementally, until a whole population – in the most densely settled urban area upon the planet – has been locked in behind walls and fences.
Since Israeli troops overran the Strip in 1967, Israeli politicians and generals have always seen it as a problem – a hotbed of radicalism and opposition. And so Israel has ventured failed experiment after experiment in the attempt to control Gaza. It has tried everything except the obvious – to allow its people to be free.
It has tried directly managing Gaza, and a brutal policy of quarantine backed by tanks, jets and gunboats. It has attempted the maintenance of strategic settlements, which only provided a focus for resistance against the patrolling troops. And when that failed, Israel retreated – only to find that, without a proximate enemy, those living inside turned to attacking the nearby towns with crude missiles.
Ironically, one of Israel's experiments involved assisting in the creation of Hamas, which had its roots in Egypt's Muslim Brotherhood, to counter the power of Yasser Arafat's Palestine Liberation Organisation. Israel has been determined to push Hamas ever closer to all-out war since insisting that even though it won free and fair Palestinian legislative elections in 2006, its right to govern could not be treated as legitimate.
Since Hamas took power in Gaza in summer 2007, after a short, brutal struggle with Fatah, Israel's policy has been one of collective punishment, summed up in the policy of "no prosperity, no development, no humanitarian crisis". Not a visible humanitarian crisis, at least.
For what has been going on inside Gaza since the economic blockade began a year and a half ago has cynically stretched the definition of what constitutes the boundaries of such a crisis.
Those seeking urgent medical care outside Gaza's walls are forced to go through a long and humiliating process. Even some of those who are allowed to leave, human rights groups say, have been pressured into becoming informers for Israeli intelligence.
One in two Gazans is now living in poverty. Aid is sporadic, and as the World Bank warned at the beginning of December, the blockade has forced Gaza to become reliant on smuggling tunnels (taxed by Hamas), which risked destroying its conventional economy. Inflation for key products smuggled through the tunnels is rampant, which in turn has brought cash to Hamas.
Equally worrying, from a long-term point of view, has been the corrosion of Gaza's institutions and social cohesion, which has resulted in sporadic eruptions of inter-factional and inter-clan violence.
What Israel hopes to achieve with the present military offensive – beyond influencing the coming Israeli elections – is not clear. For if a long-anticipated ground operation, leading to a partial reoccupation on the ground, is to follow these air strikes – as it did in the war in Lebanon in 2006 – it will have to achieve what neither Hamas nor its rival Fatah can: unifying Palestinian society once more against a common enemy, as Gaza was once united against Israeli settlements inside its boundaries.
If that is not the intention, it is hard to see what Israel's actions are meant to achieve in a community that cherishes its martyrs; where violent death is intended to reinforce social cohesion and unity.
For in the end what has happened in the past few hours is simply an expression of what has been going on for days and months and years: the death and fear that Gaza's gunmen and rocket teams and bombers have inflicted upon Israel have been returned 10, 20, 30 times over once again. And nothing will change in the arithmetic of it.
Not in Gaza. But perhaps in a wider Arab world, becoming more uncomfortable by the day about what is happening inside Gaza, something is changing. And Israel has supplied a rallying point. Something tangible and brutal that gives the critics of its actions in Gaza – who say it has a policy of collective punishment backed by disproportionate and excessive force – something to focus on.
Something to be ranked with Deir Yassin. With the Sabra and Shatila massacres. Something, at last, that Israel's foes can say looks like an atrocity.'

De CIDI Propaganda

Het is opmerkelijk dat Nederlandse staatsburgers, verblijvend in Nederland, propaganda maken voor Israelische terreur. Deze propagandisten zijn in Nederland opgevoed en geschoold, bezitten dus de normen en waarden van een beschaafde natie en niet de normen en waarden van een staat die etnisch zuiver wil zijn. Hoe komt het dan dat de betaalde propagandisten van het CIDI propaganda maken voor Israelische terreur, waarbij nu meer dan 200 mensen gedood werden, onder wie talloze onschuldige burgers. Dit schrijft het CIDI:
'CIDI: Israelische actie is een gerechtvaardigd antwoord
zondag 28 december 2008
“De Israelische actie in Gaza is een gerecht­vaardigd antwoord op de voortdurende beschietingen van Israelische civiele doelen door Hamas”, stelt het CIDI. “De door Hamas gebruikte raketten hebben aangetoond dat de organisatie de recente wapenstilstand (tahdia) heeft misbruikt voor het opbouwen van een voorraad sterkere en agressieve wapens."'
Zie: http://www.cidi.nl/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=116&Itemid=1

Waarom mag een Nederlandse organisatie ongestraft propaganda maken voor terreur van een andere natie? En dat terwijl andere Nederlanders dit niet mogen? Waarom wordt ook hier een onderscheid gemaakt tussen Joden en niet-Joden?

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