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zondag 26 november 2023

The Lydda Death March and The Zionist State of Denial

 


The Lydda Death March and The 

Zionist State of Denial



The Lydda Death March and the Israeli State of Denial

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This week marks the 70th anniversary of the single largest mass expulsion of Arabs from Palestine during the Jewish ethnic cleansing campaign of 1948-49, the infamous Lydda Death March, in which attacking Israeli troops murdered and pillaged the people and property of Lydda, Ramle and surrounding villages while forcing some 80,000 men, women and children into the scorching wilderness, never to return.
“No Room for Both People” 
In late 1947 Britain, worn down by a ferocious Jewish terror campaign led by men who included future Israeli prime ministers Menachem Begin and Yitzhak Shamir, announced it would end its 30-year occupation of Palestine. The Palestine problem would now be for the fledgling United Nations to solve and, to that end, the world body devised a plan to partition the territory between Jews and Arabs. The latter were not consulted. Under the UN plan Jews, who comprised just over a third of Palestine’s population at the time, were given 55 percent of its land. This understandably enraged Arabs but even this heavily favorable distribution wasn’t enough for the Zionists. They wanted all of Palestine for themselves, despite the fact that it had been thousands of years since Jews constituted anything remotely approaching a majority there. As Joseph Weitz, director of the Jewish National Land Fund, had so unambiguously stated
Among ourselves it must be clear that there is no room for both people in this country… and there is no way besides transferring the Arabs from here to neighboring countries… We must not leave a single village, a single tribe. 
The neighboring Palestinian Arab towns of Lydda and Ramle, home to some 50,000 people in 1948, were located inside the UN-designated area of Arab control. But they were also situated near strategically critical road and rail junctions, and Lydda was home to what would later be called Ben-Gurion International Airport. As fighting between Jews and Arabs intensified as British forces prepared to withdraw, Arab militants attacked Jewish military and civilian traffic along the roads, blocking important routes and prompting Jewish commanders to plan countermeasures. 
The Nakba Comes to Lydda and Ramle
Israel declared its independence on May 14, 1948, with neighboring Arab nations then immediately launching coordinated attacks in a bid to destroy the nascent Jewish state. By this time there had been fighting ranging from skirmishes to pitched battles between attacking Jewish troops and defenders in villages and towns near Lydda and Ramle, but it wasn’t until Israeli Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion ordered Operation Dani, a major offensive to conquer Lydda and Ramle, that the two towns would face — and fail — an existential challenge. 
By July 1948, Lydda and Ramle were swollen with tens of thousands of refugees fleeing what would come to be called the Nakba, or “catastrophe;” the wholesale ethnic cleansing of more than 700,000 Palestinian Arabs by Jews, many of them Holocaust refugees, seeking their own lebensraum in the land they ruled more than 2,500 years ago. The towns had been preparing for the inevitable Zionist assault, stockpiling food, medicine and weapons and reinforcing defensive positions. However, there were only 125 regular Arab troops stationed there, with the remaining defenders consisting of local and Bedouin volunteers. They were vastly outnumbered and outgunned by the newly-created Israel Defense Forces, which deployed some 6,000 troops, 30 artillery pieces, as well as armored vehicles and aircraft for the attack. Yet the Arabs were able to mount impressive resistance when the onslaught came. 
“Orgy of Indiscriminate Killing”
On July 9, IDF troops commanded by Yigal Allon and future Israeli prime minister Yitzhak Rabin launched Operation Dani and by the following day Lydda and Ramle were attacked from the air and ground. At around noon on July 11 a mechanized commando battalion led by future Israeli foreign and defense minister Moshe Dayan stormed Lydda, firing indiscriminately at defenders and civilians alike. New York Herald-Tribune reporter Kenneth Bilby, who was there, said the Israeli column rolled in “with guns blazing… blasting at everything that moved,” leaving “the corpses of Arab men, women and even children strewn about the streets.” Dozens of men, women and children perished during this 47-minute bloodbath. Six Israeli attackers died in this assault. 
The Arab National Committee, the local emergency authority ultimately commanded by the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem, bears some blame for the high civilian death toll at Lydda and Ramle, having prevented women and children from fleeing the towns in the fear that the men would follow. Arabs often fled imminent attack by Jewish fighters, who had developed fearsome reputations as bloodthirsty murderers and rapists following brutal massacres like the one at Deir Yassin on April 9. Indeed, Jewish militias successfully used both massacre and the threat of massacre as psychological weapons to induce Arabs to flight. They sometimes even broadcast recordings of shrieking women over loudspeakers aimed at targeted villages. 
By the evening of July 11, many residents of Lydda had gathered in the streets to wave white flags of surrender. The hospital was overflowing with victims, blasted bodies lined the streets and morale was abysmal after two days of ferocious Israeli onslaught. While women and children were mostly released after surrendering, thousands of local men were crowded into mosques where they feared they would face mass execution. Such killings never occurred, but other atrocities would soon follow.  
When a pair of Jordanian armored vehicles entered the conquered town and opened fire on the Israelis just before noon on July 12, local resistance renewed and panicked Israeli soldiers threw grenades into Arab houses and fired anti-tank rockets into the Dahmash mosque, where terrified civilians huddled seeking refuge. “We shot shells into a mosque where many people were hiding, there was no choice,” recalled Israeli soldier Yerachmiel Kahanovich, who described a grisly aftermath in which the remains of innocent men, women and children were “scattered on the walls.” Spiro Munayyer, a local volunteer medic, recounted how colleagues removed the remains of more than 90 bodies from the blasted mosque. According to Munayyer, “about 250 civilians died in an orgy of indiscriminate killing” that day. 
Death March 
On July 12 Israeli forces also seized neighboring Ramle, warning residents via loudspeaker that they had 48 hours to leave their homes forever. The order to ethnically cleanse the area of Arabs came straight from Rabin, who directed that they all “must be expelled quickly without regard to age.” What followed was the forced mass exodus of some 80,000 Palestinians from dozens of area towns and villages in the largest single act of Jewish ethnic cleansing of the Nakba, what is now known as the Lydda Death March. Israeli troops went from house to house, dragging terrified residents into the streets and ordering them to leave town and never return. They threatened to summarily execute anyone who didn’t comply. Arab families then streamed out of Lydda, Ramle and surrounding villages, forming a seemingly endless column that slowly and sadly plodded eastward under the scorching July sun as Israeli soldiers fired shots over their heads to hasten their flight. Wrote Israeli author and journalist Ari Shavit: 
The road was narrow, the congestion unbearable. Children shouted, women screamed, men wept. There was no water. Every so often, a family withdrew from the column and stopped by the side of the road to bury a baby who had not withstood the heat; to say farewell to a grandmother who had collapsed from fatigue. After a while, it got even worse. A mother abandoned her howling baby under a tree. [Another] deserted her week-old boy. She could not bear to hear him wailing with hunger. 
Meanwhile, the victorious Israelis now occupying Lydda and Ramle occupied themselves with stealing everything of value that the fleeing Arabs left behind. Homes, stores and other businesses were looted wholesale, with trucks carting off everything the conquerers could carry. There were worse crimes than larceny. Ben-Gurion wrote of “acts of robbery and rape;” Amos Kenan, who served as platoon commander of the IDF’s 82nd regiment when it captured Ramle, later admitted that “at night, those of us who couldn’t restrain ourselves would go into the prison compounds to fuck Arab women.” Kennan explained that he “wanted very much to assume… that those who couldn’t restrain themselves did what they thought the Arabs would have done to them had they won the war.” 
While the Israelis plundered, Arabs continued marching and dying under the blazing 100-degree sun. Palestinian historian Aref al-Aref, who interviewed survivors at the time, estimated that 350 people, mostly elderly and children, died of thirst and exhaustion as they marched eastward toward the Arab lines. The heat wasn’t the only danger the refugees faced. Not content with stealing everything the fleeing Arabs left behind in their homes and businesses, Israeli soldiers had set up roadblocks and were searching and robbing refugees of their money, jewelry and other precious family heirlooms. 
Israel: State of Denial
By July 14, the Lydda, Ramle and some two dozen nearby Arab villages no longer existed. Lydda is now the Jewish city of Lod, while Ramle is now Ramla. While millions of Jews around the world with no connection to or even knowledge of Palestine have been granted automatic Israeli citizenship and the right to settle on stolen Arab land and in stolen Arab homes, the more than 700,000 expelled Palestinians are to this day denied the right to return guaranteed by the United Nations nearly 70 years ago.
In addition to cleansing Palestine of Arabs, Israel also earnestly set about cleansing the very memory and truth of the events of 1948 from historical memory. Zionists in Israel and abroad, but especially in the United States, vehemently deny there was any massacre at Lydda, or at Deir Yassin, or at any of the dozens of other towns and villages where Jewish usurpers committed mass murder in service of their new state. Even the more honest Israelis who acknowledge the horrors of the Nakba tend to fall into the “we did what we had to do” category. Shavit wrote that the ethnic cleansing of Palestine’s Arabs “laid the foundation for the Jewish state.” To him, “the choice is stark: either reject Zionism because of Lydda or accept Zionism along with Lydda.” He wrote: 
I know that if not for [the IDF] the State of Israel would not have been born. If not for them, I would not have been born. They did the filthy work that enables my people, my nation, my daughter, my sons, and me to live. 
Still, honest voices like Shavit’s are the exception to the rule. Earlier Zionists were far more truthful. While serving as Israeli defense minister, Moshe Dayan declared that:
We came to this country, which was already populated by Arabs, and we established a… Jewish state here… Jewish villages were built in place of Arab villages. You do not even know the names of these Arab villages, and I do not blame you, because those geography books no longer exist. Not only do the books not exist, the Arab villages are not there either. Nahalal rose in place of Malalul; Givat in the place of Jibta; Sarid in the place of Haneifa, and Kfar Yehoshua in the place of Tell Shamon. There is not one place built in this country that did not have a former Arab population.
Today, denial dominates the conversation, where there is any conversation at all, about Israel’s past and present crimes. Not only are the massacres and ethnic cleansing of past decades denied, so is the illegality — or even the existence — of the ongoing half-century occupation of the West Bank. The same goes for the economic asphyxiation of Gaza, or what prominent international observers including Nobel peace laureates Desmond Tutu and Jimmy Carter have called an apartheid worse than what befell South Africa in dark decades past. The very existence of the Palestinian people, to say nothing of their right to return to their stolen homes or to earn a decent living or to even live with dignity and basic human rights, is also throughly denied by Israel. But the survivors of Lydda, Ramle and all the other atrocities of the Nakba will never forget, and the horrors of 1948 fuel the fire of Palestinian resistance to this very day. 

More articles by:
Brett Wilkins is editor-at-large for US news at Digital Journal. Based in San Francisco, his work covers issues of social justice, human rights and war and peace. 

Douglas Macgregor: OFFICIAL It's All Over Now!!

A Pyrrhic Victory for Geert Wilders


A Pyrrhic Victory for Geert Wilders

After more than two decades of humiliation, ridicule and ostracism, last night (22 November) Geert Wilders had his finest hour. His Islamophobic PVV (Party for Freedom), which he founded in 2006, won the Dutch general elections, obtaining almost one quarter of the popular vote. It should be borne in mind, however, that more than one in five eligible voters did not cast their vote, a record for such elections in the Netherlands.

Wilders, who has never lost the characteristic accent of the southern part of the Netherlands where he was born (and which is actually looked down upon by Dutch elites), is of Indonesian descent. Married to a Hungarian-born woman, Wilders has long entertained close relations with the Israeli embassy in The Hague. Some fifteen years ago, Wilders paid weekly visits to the embassy, and was suspected of receiving money and instructions from his Israeli friends. As a result, the Dutch state spy service kept close tabs on Wilders, often referred to in some media as “Bibi.”

The PVV is likely to get 37 seats in the 150-seat Lower Chamber of the National Parliament. It is quite surprising that another right-wing party, the dynamic FvD (Forum for Democracy), led by young, charismatic and articulate politicians and popular among young voters, will be almost halved, going from five to only three seats. Since it is likely the popular support for the PVV is even higher, the election results allow room for doubts. There is a distinct smell of manipulation and one should always bear in mind Stalin’s dictum that voting results are not determined by the votes cast but by those who count those votes.

Being the leader of what is now the biggest party in parliament, Wilders will be charged with sounding out the other parties with the purpose of building a new government coalition. There is actually only one possibility for him: a coalition of PVV with the Liberal VVD (Party for Freedom and Democracy), with 24 seats, and newcomer NSC (New Social Contract), with 20 seats, in order to attain the required majority of at least 76 seats.

By itself, the Left will not be able to form a government. Since quite a few parties, including the NSC, have announced they will never enter a coalition with the PVV, the actual chances of the PVV coming to power are rather slim, as a number of commentators have been observing.

The most likely coalition may be one composed of the Green Socialists (GL/PvdA, 25 seats), VVD, NSC and D66 (9 seats), for a total of 78 seats. On the basis of how long it took to put together previous coalition governments, it may be up to one year before a new government assumes power. In the meantime, the caretaker cabinet, led by NATO Secretary General hopeful Mark Rutte, will duly carry out whatever Brussels and Washington DC order.

From a broader perspective, the Dutch elections seem politically meaningless. At best, they may be regarded as a kind of official opinion poll, showing that if not a majority of the Dutch, at least an impressive plurality rejects government policies focused on climate lunacy, woke lunacy, Russophobia and other idiocies, and guided by the US and international crime syndicates such as WEF and WHO. The big vote in favor of the PVV is to be explained for the most part by a broad rejection of government-supported immigration of hundreds of thousands of people from Africa and the Near East. For over two decades, the VVD, Social Democrats, Greens and other ruling parties have been using those culturally different immigrants to foment social discord, according to the principle of “divide and rule.” In this respect, with the PVV victory, a page seems to have been turned.

On the same day as the Dutch national elections, the EU Parliament approved a plan put forward by a committee led by Belgian mental and dental patient Guy Verhofstadt, which will abolish national sovereignty in the EU member states. The plan will give the unelected EU commissars full authority in most key realms of government and administration. These include climate, public health, foreign affairs, internal security, defense, education, environment, and migration (meaning, of course, the massive immigration of Africans and Muslims). Most importantly, the plan calls for the abolition of veto rights for individual member states.

In view of the adoption of the Verhofstadt plan, the surprising decision of about one third of Dutch members of parliament not to run for reelection suddenly becomes understandable. All along it was clear that national sovereignty was heading for the exit and that national parliaments would become totally insignificant, if not abolished altogether.

In other words, even if Wilders might succeed in putting together a coalition government, it will fundamentally have no more authority than, say, a municipal government. By the time it takes office, the caretaker Rutte cabinet may have agreed to the Verhofstadt plan.

Short of a collapse of NATO and the EU, which is likely (and hopefully) to follow in the wake of the Russian victory in the Ukraine, the band of sinister criminals running the EU will be in full charge. Under their leadership, Europe will turn into a full-blown hell-hole of the kind precisely Wilders has been trying to prevent at all costs.

If it cannot be stopped, the EU steamroller will proceed and flatten everything in its path.

 https://www.unz.com/article/a-pyrrhic-victory-for-geert-wilders/

Jewish Settlers: Why do you steal Palestinian land?

Remember Moshe Dayan's Words

 

Eén van de vele slachtoffertjes van de zionistische terreur.

Frits Barend,
Nog steeds geen antwoord van je gekregen op mijn vragen over onder andere jouw zionisme

De Joods-Israelische hoogleraar Benjamin Beit-Hallahmi stelt het zo:

Israel is het enige land ter wereld waarvan de economie en welzijn gebaseerd zijn op het importeren van kapitaal zonder kapitaalopbrengst, dat wil zeggen: op schenkingen. Het heeft een ongelooflijke hoeveelheid financiële steun van de Eerste Wereld gekregen – en alleen door de omvang van deze steun is het in staat geweest te overleven… Tussen 1948 en 1952 heeft de Verenigde Staten 13 miljard dollar in West-Europa gestort in het kader van het Marshall Plan. Gerekend naar de huidige koersen heeft Israel meer dan het equivalent van het Marshall Hulp ontvangen, voor een land met vier miljoen inwoners… Sinds de Oorlog in ’67 zijn de bezette gebieden een andere belangrijke factor in de Israelische economie geweest, die beheerd werden als klassieke koloniën – dat wil zeggen, zowel als een open markt voor export als een bron van goedkope arbeidskrachten. Honderdduizenden Palestijnen hebben een royaal aandeel gehad aan de Israelische economische voorspoed door lage lonen te accepteren voor zwaar en vuil werk… Kijkend naar de economische geschiedenis van Israel kunnen we concluderen dat het altijd een westerse buitenpost is gebleven in het Midden Oosten, in een relatieve luxe in stand gehouden vergeleken met zijn omgeving. Het is een militaire kolonie, met een enorm hoog percentage aan werknemers direct in dienst van de staatsbureaucratie. Deze economische en militaire realiteit bepaalt veel van Israel’s politieke retoriek.

Intussen geeft de VS zijn pitbul Israel nog eens 'USD 30 billion in security assistance from 2008-2018'.

Frits Barend, en dan reken ik nog niets eens de vele miljarden die de wereld besteed heeft aan de opvang van Palestijnse vluchtelingen, die Israel weigert te compenseren voor het verlies van al hun bezittingen, terwijl de zionisten tegelijkertijd wel van Europa eisen dat het gecompenseerd wordt voor het verlies dat andere joden als gevolg van de nazi-vervolgingen hebben geleden. 

Kortom, de Joden in Israel zouden niet kunnen overleven zonder de massale financiele steun van het Westen. In ruil daarvoor doen overal ter wereld de zionistische agenten het vuile en smerige werk voor het Westen, daar waar de belangen van onze grote concerns bedreigd worden. En de Joden in Israel zelf vormen een huurlingenleger die de westerse macht kan inzetten zodra dit gunstig lijkt. Voor wat hoort wat. 

De Joods-Amerikaanse neoconservatief, spreekbuis van de fanatieke fanatieke pro-Israel lobbyisten, Donald Kagan, echtgenoot van Victoria Nuland, wees erop dat 'één van de prijzen die de Spartanen betaalden voor' hun oorlogszuchtig expansionisme 'cuturele deprivatie was die zij zichzelf oplegden. Immers kunstzinnige creativiteit vergt een bepaalde vrijheid die hen naar mijn oordeel zenuwachtig maakte.'

Hetzelfde mechanisme geldt voor Israel. Behalve op het gebied van geweldstechnologie presteert de zogeheten 'Joodse staat' niets vergeleken met de joodse bijdrage buiten Israel aan de wereldbeschaving. Het zionisme is de vijand van het judaisme. Door de culturele deprivatie van de zionistische staat vernietigt Israel het eeuwenoude authentieke joodse element. Alle energie gaat zitten in het expansionistisch geweld van een warrior-state.

Het is de Joods-Israelische hoogleraar Martin Levi van Creveld die als volgt geciteerd werd in David Hirst's The Gun and the Olive Branch (2003)"We have the capability to take the world down with us. And I can assure you that that will happen, before Israel goes under." He quoted General Moshe Dayan: "Israel must be like a mad dog, too dangerous to bother."'

In 2002 zei Van Creveld in Elsevier:

"We hebben enkele honderden kernkoppen en raketten om ze overal op te gooien, misschien zelfs op Rome. Met vliegtuigen zijn de meeste Europese hoofdsteden zelfs een doelwit. (...) Wij hebben de mogelijkheid de wereld mee te slepen als we ten onder gaan. En ik kan u beloven dat voordat Israël wordt vernietigd, we dat ook zullen doen."

Frits B., het is deze krankzinnige agressiviteit die ertoe geleid heeft dat overal ter wereld Joods-Israeli's gehaat worden. Hun schreeuwerige bravoure, hun nauwelijks verholen angst, hun onbeschofte houding maakt hen tot ongewenste vreemdelingen.

Het is een natuurwet en een bijbelse waarheid dat degene die het zwaard trekt, door het zwaard zal vergaan. En de Joodse terreur duurt al zo lang. Op 31 maart 1955 schreef de Israëlische premier Moshe Sharett in zijn dagboek: 

Wij rechtvaardigen het systeem van vergelding op grond van pragmatische overwegingen… Wij hebben de mentale en morele remmen op dit instinct vernietigd en hebben het mogelijk gemaakt om wraak als een morele waarde aan te moedigen.” Twee maanden later, op 26 mei 1955, noteerde hij, na een uiteenzetting van generaal Moshe Dayan, in datzelfde dagboek: “De conclusie uit Dayans woorden zijn duidelijk: Deze staat heeft geen internationale verplichtingen… het vraagstuk van de vrede bestaat niet… De staat moet zijn acties met oogkleppen op beramen en met het zwaard leven. Het moet het zwaard zien als het belangrijkste, zo niet het enige, instrument waarmee het zijn moraal moet hooghouden. Om dit beoogde doel te bereiken mag het, nee – moet het – gevaren verzinnen, en om dit te doen moet het de methode van provocatie en vergelding toepassen… En bovenal – laten we op een nieuwe oorlog met de Arabische landen hopen, zodat we onze problemen definitief kunnen oplossen en ons gebied kunnen vergroten… Ben-Gurion zelf zei dat het de moeite waard zou zijn om een Arabier een miljoen pond te geven om een oorlog te beginnen, 

aldus de toenmalige premier van Israel die naderhand politiek uitgerangeerd werd. Dit zionisme is failliet Barend. Het kan alleen nog maar bestaan dankzij de miljardensteun van landen die belang hebben bij Joden die tekeer gaan als 'krankzinnige honden.'

Het was dezelfde Moshe Dayan die tijdens neen begrafenis van een Joodse militair volgende woorden sprak dit tegen zijn manschappen zei:

Let us not today fling accusation at the murderers. What cause have we to complain about their fierce hatred to us? For eight years now, they sit in their refugee camps in Gaza, and before their eyes we turn into our homestead the land and villages in which they and their forefathers have lived. We should demand his blood not from the Arabs of Gaza but from ourselves. . . . Let us make our reckoning today. We are a generation of settlers, and without the steel helmet and gun barrel, we shall not be able to plant a tree or build a house. . . . Let us not be afraid to see the hatred that accompanies and consumes the lives of hundreds of thousands of Arabs who sit all around us and wait for the moment when their hands will be able to reach our blood. 

We Have Enough Of Israeli Fascism

 Caitlin Johnstone en 🅰pocalypsis 🅰pocalypseos 🇷🇺 🇨🇳 🅉 vinden dit leuk

De Elite van de VS heeft Volste Vertrouwen in de Kadaver Discipline Van Sigrid Kaag

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