zondag 28 november 2021

De Nederlandse Politie Terreur 2

Dit is Karin Krukkert, plaatsvervangend politiechef Rotterdam, en dit zegt zij in de NRC van zaterdag 27 november 2021:

Waar de agressie vandaan komt? Zeg het maar. Iedereen die we nog gaan vatten, en daar gaan we onze stinkende best voor doen, die zal zichzelf voor de rechter moeten verantwoorden. Ik wil hier eigenlijk ook geen enkele verklaring voor zoeken. Ik vind het bizar, absurd, en het maakt me eigenlijk enorm woest.

Deze oppervlakkige autoriteit, die onweersproken in NRC aan het woord wordt gelaten zou geen plaatsvervangend politiechef moeten zijn, want zij wil bewust onwetend blijven, en beseft niet dat alles in de wereld gehoorzaamt aan de wet van oorzaak en gevolg. Zij wil alleen de bestaande orde bewaren, en wordt 'enorm woest' als die orde verstoord wordt. Sterker nog 'Je besluit: vanaf nu schiet ik gericht.' Welke orde handhaaft zij? Ik citeer de Duitse historicus Fabian Scheidler. In zijn bestseller The End of the Megamachine. A Brief History of a Failing Civilization, in 2018 ook in het Nederlands verschenen, schrijft hij over 'The Megamachine':

how do we substantiate the idea that we are dealing with a global system and not just a collection of institutions, institutions, ideologies and practices? A system is more than the sum of its parts; it is a functional structure in which all components depend on each other and cannot exist independently. Obviously, there is such a thing as a world financial system, a global energy system and a system for the international division of labor that are all closely intertwined. However, these economic structures cannot function independently. They rely on the existence of states that are able to enforce property rights, provide infrastructure, militarily defend trade routes, absorb economic losses and control resistance to the impositions and injustices of the system. Militarized states and markets, as we will see in the course of this book, are not opposites, but have co-evolved and remain inextricably interconnected to this day. The popular confrontation between the state and the 'free market' is a fiction that has nothing to do with historical reality. 

The third supporting pillar — alongside economic and state structures — is ideological. The violent expansion of the system and the injustices it inevitably produced were justified from the outset by the claim that the 'West' was undertaking a historical mission that would bring salvation to the world. While the Christian religion first made this claim, it was later replaced by supposedly superior 'reason,' 'civilization,' 'development,' and the 'free market.' In close connection to the military and economic levers of power, schools, universities, the media and other ideologically influential institutions played a decisive role in elaborating and disseminating this mythology — despite important emancipation movements that continually arose within these institutions during modern times. 

The interaction of these three spheres of power as part of a global social system has been comprehensively analyzed since the 1970s by Immanuel Wallerstein, Giovanni Arrighi and others. Wallerstein has called this functional structure the 'modern world-system.' I have labeled it with the metaphorical term 'Megamachine,' a reference to the historian Lewis Mumford (1895–1990).7 In this case, 'machine' does not mean a technical apparatus, but a form of social organization that seems to function like a machine. I expressly say 'seems,' because despite all systemic constraints, the machinery is actually made up of people. They re-create the Megamachine every day, and, at least under certain conditions, also have the power to stop it.

Limits of the System 

A central thesis of this book contends that during the twenty-first century, the Megamachine will run into two limitations that will be insurmountable when combined. The first is inherent in the system itself. For about four decades, the global economy has been headed toward a structural crisis that can no longer be explained away by the usual economic cycles. This crisis has been temporarily veiled by the steadily growing indebtedness of all actors; by financial bubbles that burst into ever deeper economic crashes (see Chapter 10). At the same time, the system has been offering fewer and fewer people a secure livelihood. Although the 200 largest corporations in the world account for 25 percent of the gross world product, they employ only 0.75 percent of the world’s population. More and more people are being dropped from the economic system, not only on the periphery, but also in the centers of accumulation. Some of the most recent examples of this are the decay of the middle class in the USA and the ruin of southern European countries. This structural crisis is accompanied by a transformation of many states, which, after a relatively short welfare-state intermezzo, have regressed to repressive military and police structures from earlier phases of the system. As the ability of the Megamachine to offer people a perspective for the future fades, the belief in its mythology is also disintegrating. Ideological cohesion, referred to as 'cultural hegemony' by the Italian philosopher Antonio Gramsci, is starting to fray. 

The second and even more important limitation is that the Megamachine belongs to and is dependent upon a larger, comprehensive system — the biosphere of planet Earth. We can already see how the explosive growth of the Great Machine is starting to approach the limits of this overarching system. While there is some flexibility to these limits, it is not infinite. 

The combination of ecological and social upheaval brings with it an extremely complex and chaotic dynamic, and no one can predict where it will lead. Clearly, however, a far-reaching, systematic upheaval is inevitable, and in some cases it has already begun. It is about much more than overcoming neoliberalism or changing out certain technologies (even if both steps are necessary). It is about a transformation that reaches right down to the foundations of our civilization. The question is not whether such a transformation will take place—it will whether we want it to or not—but how it will occur and in which direction it will develop. 

The Megamachine is not the first system in human history to fail, but it is by far the largest, most complex and most dangerous. It has created an arsenal of weapons with overwhelming destructive power and is in the process of undermining the Earth’s great life-supporting systems, devastating flora and fauna, soils, forests, oceans, rivers, aquifers and the climate system. Industrialized civilization has already triggered the greatest species extinction since the disappearance of the dinosaurs 65 million years ago. At the same time, the growing climate chaos threatens to make entire regions of the Earth uninhabitable, which throws more fuel on the flames of conflict. Therefore, the question of how and where this transformation will take place and where it will be heading is actually a matter of life or death for large parts of the world’s population. The nature and direction of this systemic upheaval will determine what kind of world we and our descendants will live in during the second half of this century. Will it be a world that is even more miserable and violent than the present one, or one that is freer and more livable than it is now? The increasing instability of the global system creates an extraordinary situation in which even relatively small movements can have a major impact on the overall process and its outcomes. This can be both good and bad news. The rapid rise of right-wing extremism and police-state repression shows that totalitarian forces can also take hold of crumbling economic and political structures. In this situation, it is up to all of us to act. Remaining a passive bystander to the unfolding drama is not an option, as choosing to do nothing is also a decision that can determine the outcome of history.

Speciaal voor  de leidinggevende Karin Krukkert, die beweert dat 'We te grazen [werden] genomen,' een toelichting op Gramsci's 'Culturele Hegemonie' 

 In Marxist philosophy, cultural hegemony is the dominance of a culturally diverse society by the ruling class who manipulate the culture of that society—the beliefs and explanationsperceptionsvalues, and mores—so that the worldview of the ruling class becomes the accepted cultural norm. 

As the universal dominant ideology, the ruling-class worldview misrepresents the social, political, and economic status quo as natural, inevitable, and perpetual social conditions that benefit every social class, rather than as artificial social constructs that benefit only the ruling class.

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cultural_hegemony 

Volgende keer Meer. Dan de vraag: waarom schoot de Rotterdamse politie van veraf een jongeman neer die geen directe bedreiging voor de politie vormde? En waarom zwijgen de mainstream-media hierover, terwijl toch via de sociale media een filmpje van deze aanslag te zien is?  

Na getroffen te zijn valt de jongeman kermend neer. De politie werd op dat moment niet door hem bedreigd



2 opmerkingen:

Feng zei

Hoe lager het IQ hoe makkelijker ze te dresseren zijn.

Feng Chsang zei

En inderdaad Stan, zo'n mens moeten ze niet op die post zetten, haar botte reactie op werkelijke frustraties staan zo diametraal op ons rechtvaardigheidsgevoel dat ze onherroepelijk en door de geschiedenis aantoonbaar, geweld oproept.
Maaaaar..., misschien willen ze dat wel (gelet op de steeds luider klinkende EUROGENDFOR -waar Pieter Omtzigt's "leger" als sleepbootje voorop vaart- omdat de C-narrative zijn afschrikking heeft verloren en vervangen moet worden door iets anders, net zo vreselijks

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