'What will the US foreign policy be tomorrow ?By MICHEL COLLON
When Bush goes, everyone will be hoping for a change - or fearing the worst. McCain or Obama ? What will that change for Iraq, Afghanistan, Palestine, Africa, Caucasia, Cuba and Venezuela ? And for US relationships with the big powers : Europe, Japan, Russia, China ?
This text is extracted from our book « The 7 sins of Hugo Chávez » (Chapter 11 : [The United States] Black gold and the wars of tomorrow), shortly to be published. The preceding pages explained the reason for the rise and then decline of the United States.
Bush's Failure
This text is extracted from our book « The 7 sins of Hugo Chávez » (Chapter 11 : [The United States] Black gold and the wars of tomorrow), shortly to be published. The preceding pages explained the reason for the rise and then decline of the United States.
Bush's Failure
12/10/08 "ICH'
What would be the balance sheet of this global war on terror led by the Bush administration as from 11 September ? Negative.
Virtually everywhere.
In Afghanistan and Iraq, the United States has launched two wars which they are unable to win and which they will never win. Bush wanted to launch a third war against Iran but, the US being seriously weakened, he has had to renounce it. The aim of this war was to have been to ensure Washington's control over oil. In five years, it has risen from 25 dollars to over 100 dollars [per barrel], with very negative consequences for the US and world economy.
In South America, the United States has lost, entirely or partially, control over almost all their colonies : Venezuela, Bolivia, Ecuador, Uruguay, Paraguay, Argentina and Brazil. All that remains to them, at the time of writing, are Peru, Chile and Colombia.
In Africa, too, resistance has made some advances. Kabila of the Congo refused to go on his knees. And when Washington tried to find somewhere to set up their new military command, AFRICOM, all countries politely refused.
Also in South Asia, there has been an increase in resistance over the whole region which has alarmed US strategists, who propose reinforcing the US's 'projection capacity' in South Asia. In their jargon, that means organizing military landings and bombardments, and supporting « coups d'etat ».
But the group emphasize that, given the unpopularity of the United States in this region it will be impossible to find a country that will accept the headquarters of such a US force.
Bush's policy has aroused resistance even among their European allies.
Thus, at the NATO summit in Bucharest in April, George Bush demanded further expansion of the organization, this time to integrate Ukraine and George - which was like pointing a couple of cannons at Russia. But there were firm and open refusals from Germany, France, Spain, Italy, Belgium, the Netherlands and Luxemburg, none of them wishing to make troubles with Moscow which provides them with gas. Steve Erlanger and Steven Lee Myers, two analysts close to the Pentagon, saw in this « a manifest failure of US policy in an alliance normally dominated by Washington ».
Indeed Russia's attitude is hardening. Moscow rejects the installation on the European continent of arms that the United States call an anti-missile shield :
« If part of the US nuclear potential is in Europe (...) we have to have targets in Europe .» Moreover, in May 2008, Russia tested a new, multi-head intercontinental missile « in response to unilateral and groundless acts by our partners » declared Putin. Washington however stated that the anti-missile shield was not directed against Russia, only against states like Iran. But Putin replied : « There is no Iranian missile that has a sufficient range. It is therefore evident that this news concerns us Russians too . »
Like Russia, China has also refused to back down when confronted by numerous campaigns and pressures exercised by Washington.
The US elite is divided
Ten years ago, Zbigniew Brzezinski, former national security advisor to President Carter and the leading strategist in the United States, published his book « The Great Chessboard ». More or less « How to remain the superpower dominating the world » . He explained, with the brutal frankness of someone no longer in official position, that Washington must absolutely weaken its rivals : Russia and China, but also Europe and Japan, and prevent them from allying with each other. Divide and rule.
Today, what is the balance sheet from George Bush using Brzezinski'
criteria ? Has he managed to weaken the great power rivals ? We would say :
fairly well as concerns Japan, fairly well (for the moment) as concerns Europe, but badly as concerns Russia and very badly as concerns China.'
Virtually everywhere.
In Afghanistan and Iraq, the United States has launched two wars which they are unable to win and which they will never win. Bush wanted to launch a third war against Iran but, the US being seriously weakened, he has had to renounce it. The aim of this war was to have been to ensure Washington's control over oil. In five years, it has risen from 25 dollars to over 100 dollars [per barrel], with very negative consequences for the US and world economy.
In South America, the United States has lost, entirely or partially, control over almost all their colonies : Venezuela, Bolivia, Ecuador, Uruguay, Paraguay, Argentina and Brazil. All that remains to them, at the time of writing, are Peru, Chile and Colombia.
In Africa, too, resistance has made some advances. Kabila of the Congo refused to go on his knees. And when Washington tried to find somewhere to set up their new military command, AFRICOM, all countries politely refused.
Also in South Asia, there has been an increase in resistance over the whole region which has alarmed US strategists, who propose reinforcing the US's 'projection capacity' in South Asia. In their jargon, that means organizing military landings and bombardments, and supporting « coups d'etat ».
But the group emphasize that, given the unpopularity of the United States in this region it will be impossible to find a country that will accept the headquarters of such a US force.
Bush's policy has aroused resistance even among their European allies.
Thus, at the NATO summit in Bucharest in April, George Bush demanded further expansion of the organization, this time to integrate Ukraine and George - which was like pointing a couple of cannons at Russia. But there were firm and open refusals from Germany, France, Spain, Italy, Belgium, the Netherlands and Luxemburg, none of them wishing to make troubles with Moscow which provides them with gas. Steve Erlanger and Steven Lee Myers, two analysts close to the Pentagon, saw in this « a manifest failure of US policy in an alliance normally dominated by Washington ».
Indeed Russia's attitude is hardening. Moscow rejects the installation on the European continent of arms that the United States call an anti-missile shield :
« If part of the US nuclear potential is in Europe (...) we have to have targets in Europe .» Moreover, in May 2008, Russia tested a new, multi-head intercontinental missile « in response to unilateral and groundless acts by our partners » declared Putin. Washington however stated that the anti-missile shield was not directed against Russia, only against states like Iran. But Putin replied : « There is no Iranian missile that has a sufficient range. It is therefore evident that this news concerns us Russians too . »
Like Russia, China has also refused to back down when confronted by numerous campaigns and pressures exercised by Washington.
The US elite is divided
Ten years ago, Zbigniew Brzezinski, former national security advisor to President Carter and the leading strategist in the United States, published his book « The Great Chessboard ». More or less « How to remain the superpower dominating the world » . He explained, with the brutal frankness of someone no longer in official position, that Washington must absolutely weaken its rivals : Russia and China, but also Europe and Japan, and prevent them from allying with each other. Divide and rule.
Today, what is the balance sheet from George Bush using Brzezinski'
criteria ? Has he managed to weaken the great power rivals ? We would say :
fairly well as concerns Japan, fairly well (for the moment) as concerns Europe, but badly as concerns Russia and very badly as concerns China.'
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