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zaterdag 4 mei 2019

Palestinian Freedom

‘We ain’t got to walk around struttin’ talking about two state solutions’ — Marc Lamont Hill
US Politics Philip Weiss on May 3, 2019

Tomorrow the University of Massachusetts at Amherst will field a panel of fierce advocates for Palestinian freedom, in Roger Waters, Linda Sarsour, Sut Jhally, Dave Zirin and Marc Lamont Hill. UMass is a prestige space, and there have been many efforts to shut down the forum; one Israel lobby group sued for a federal injunction and compared the gathering to a rally of the Ku Klux Klan.
That motion was turned down by a district court judge yesterday. Here is Rachel Weber of Jewish Voice for Peace saying that the critics are equating criticism of Israel to anti-semitism; but it’s white supremacists who are a danger to Jews.
On Wednesday night, Hill, a Temple professor, gave a speech about the “radical imagination” at the annual dinner of the progressive organization WESPAC in White Plains, NY. It was a showstopper; I can only imagine what he will bring to the Massachusetts panel, which will focus on false anti-Semitism charges leveled against advocates for Palestine and is titled, “Not Backing Down.”
Hill lost his job as a commentator at CNN last year after he spoke at the United Nations and had the temerity to call for one state “from the river to the sea.” Equal rights in Israel/Palestine is a heresy in the mainstream.
Palestine continues to be at the center of his activism. Indeed Marc Lamont Hill seems emboldened by his firing, to speak of “gettin’ rid of the settler colonial project altogether” and to mock the term, “liberal Zionist, whatever that is.” His theme was the need for progressives to rise above social inhibitions and imagine true freedom, and he mentioned Palestine often.
He said that activists should channel the bravery of the abolitionists and enslaved “freedom fighters” in the time of slavery and not bend to conventional ideas of justice.
“If we have ambitious freedom dreams, we won’t dream about warmer and fuzzier prisons, we can dream about a world without prisons,” he said. “We ain’t got to walk around struttin’ talking about two state solutions… What about a world where everyone has freedom, justice, equality, safety and self determination? One person one vote. Gettin’ rid of the settler colonial project altogether.”
He linked that vision with the goal of ending toxic masculinity that is a cause of criminal conduct. Why not, he said, “eliminate the impulse and the idea and the logic and the ritual and the practice of unhealthy masculinity.”
He called on activists to listen to “women, other-abled folk, trans folk, and young folk” and said our presidential races should not focus on the middle class as the “marker of citizenship,” but on the vulnerable and the poor.
He said repeatedly that professional activists start to worry about their “grants” and “respectability politics,” when the question should be, “What would it take for us to listen to our original story?” Again, Palestine made an appearance.
What does it mean to invest in schools, only to criminalize young folk?
What does it mean for rape culture to prevail on our campuses and our world?
What does it mean for us to continue to fund an illegal occupation?
Hill said that different activists can’t operate in “silos,” there’s a direct connection between mass incarceration and bad schools, and militarism and Palestine.
[You say] ‘I’m worried about police brutality, I can’t think about Palestine.’ Oh yeah, well these deadly exchange programs in the United States and in Israel are creating models of practice that are being used by Israeli law enforcement and by United States law enforcement. They’re training each other. We got to pay attention to the intersection. Don’t tell me that you can be worried about poverty so you can’t take on militarism. Because who are the most vulnerable in the United States who get put in the front lines of these wars of aggression And who are the people in the global south who are being bombed and droned and exploited. The vulnerable, the poor and the black and the brown… Don’t tell me that you ain’t worried about the environment you’re worried about racism, go to Flint Michigan.
Hill lamented those who “have access to resources and choose to protect our power and privilege rather than change the world.” He referred to his own experience at CNN indirectly, and mocked liberal Zionists.
It’s easy sitting here and being radical as hell…. But what happens tomorrow when the job is on the line? Do you go from being a [unintelligible] to just a liberal Zionist, whatever that is? Do you go from being a radical to a liberal, become a pragmatist? What happens to our politics when they get tested? What happens when something is on the line. When the job promotion is on the line, when your friendship network is on the line, when your TV job is on the line, when your friend What are you going to sacrifice, what are you going to put aside for justice?.. Everybody’s rocking with you, when you’re popping. Everybody’s with you when you can get on board, everybody’s with you when you can hook em up…. What happens when you’re standing on the mountain alone?
He cited Angela Davis working for prison abolition when it wasn’t popular, Harriet Tubman running through the woods with freed slaves when official political culture opposed radical acts.
What happens to you when you’re speaking out for Palestine, what happens to you when you’re speaking out for Uganda, when you’re speaking out for Haiti? What happens to you when all those men who loved you when you were talking about race start to laugh when you’re talking about gender? You start to feel alone…
Some of you work with folk who are liberal on every issue but Palestine. You start to feel alone. But there’s never been a revolution started by the majority. The spark is always a few people, a few brave souls…. allies willing to sacrifice their privilege for justice…
Hill ended his speech with the word Palestine.
Thank you, free the land for Palestine!
P.S. Disclosure: My wife’s prisoner program is sponsored by WESPAC.

Breaking the Grip of Militarism

Breaking the Grip of Militarism: The Story of Vieques


Vieques is a small Puerto Rican island with some 9,000 inhabitants.  Fringed by palm trees and lovely beaches, with the world’s brightest bioluminescent bay and wild horses roaming everywhere, it attracts substantial numbers of tourists. But, for about six decades, Vieques served as a bombing range, military training site, and storage depot for the U.S. Navy, until its outraged residents, driven to distraction, rescued their homeland from the grip of militarism.
Like the main island of Puerto Rico, Vieques – located eight miles to the east – was ruled for centuries as a colony by Spain, until the Spanish-American War of 1898 turned Puerto Rico into an informal colony (a “nonsovereign territory”) of the United States. In 1917, Puerto Ricans (including the Viequenses) became US citizens, although they lacked the right to vote for their governor until 1947 and today continue to lack the right to representation in the US Congress or to vote for the US president.
During World War II, the US government, anxious about the security of the Caribbean region and the Panama Canal, expropriated large portions of land in eastern Puerto Rico and on Vieques to build a mammoth Roosevelt Roads Naval Station. This included about two-thirds of the land on Vieques. As a result, thousands of Viequenses were evicted from their homes and deposited in razed sugar cane fields that the navy declared “resettlement tracts.”
The US Navy takeover of Vieques accelerated in 1947, when it designated Roosevelt Roads as a naval training installation and storage depot and began utilizing the island for firing practice and amphibious landings by tens of thousands of sailors and marines. Expanding its expropriation to three-quarters of Vieques, the navy used the western section for its ammunition storage and the eastern section for its bombing and war games, while sandwiching the native population into the small strip of land separating them.
Over the ensuing decades, the navy bombed Vieques from the air, land, and sea. During the 1980s and 1990s, it unleashed an average of 1,464 tons of bombs every year on the island and conducted military training exercises averaging 180 days per year. In 1998 alone, the navy dropped 23,000 bombs on Vieques. It also used the island for tests of biological weapons.
Naturally, for the Viequenses, this military domination created a nightmarish existence. Driven from their homes and with their traditional economy in tatters, they experienced the horrors of nearby bombardment. “When the wind came from the east, it brought smoke and piles of dust from their bombing ranges,” one resident recalled. “They’d bomb every day, from 5 am until 6 pm. It felt like a war zone. You’d hear . . . eight or nine bombs, and your house would shudder. Everything on your walls, your picture frames, your decorations, mirrors, would fall on the floor and break,” and “your cement house would start cracking.” In addition, with the release of toxic chemicals into the soil, water, and air, the population began to suffer from dramatically higher rates of cancer and other illnesses.
Eventually, the US Navy determined the fate of the entire island, including the nautical routes, flight paths, aquifers, and zoning laws in the remaining civilian territory, where the residents lived under constant threat of eviction. In 1961, the navy actually drafted a secret plan to remove the entire civilian population from Vieques, with even the dead slated to be dug up from their graves. But Puerto Rican Governor Luis Munoz Marin intervened, and US President John F. Kennedy blocked the Navy from implementing the plan.
Long-simmering tensions between the Viequenses and the navy boiled over from 1978 to 1983. In the midst of heightened US naval bombing and stepped up military maneuvers, a vigorous local resistance movement emerged, led by the island’s fishermen. Activists engaged in picketing, demonstrations, and civil disobedience?most dramatically, by placing themselves directly in the line of missile fire, thereby disrupting military exercises. As the treatment of the islanders became an international scandal, the US Congress held hearings on the matter in 1980 and recommended that the navy leave Vieques.
But this first wave of popular protest, involving thousands of Viequenses and their supporters throughout Puerto Rico and the United States, failed to dislodge the navy from the island. In the midst of the Cold War, the US military clung tenaciously to its operations on Vieques. Also, the prominence in the resistance campaign of Puerto Rican nationalists, with accompanying sectarianism, limited the movement’s appeal.
In the 1990s, however, a more broadly-based resistance movement took shape. Begun in 1993 by the Committee for the Rescue and Development of Vieques, it accelerated in opposition to navy plans for the installation of an intrusive radar system and took off after April 19, 1999, when a US navy pilot accidentally dropped two 500-pound bombs on an allegedly safe area, killing a Viequenses civilian. “That shook the consciousness of the people of Vieques and Puerto Ricans at large like no other event,” recalled Robert Rabin, a key leader of the uprising. “Almost immediately we had unity across ideological, political, religious, and geographic boundaries.”
Rallying behind the demand of Peace for Vieques, this massive social upheaval drew heavily upon the Catholic and Protestant churches, as well as upon the labor movement, celebrities, women, university students, the elderly, and veteran activists. Hundreds of thousands of Puerto Ricans throughout Puerto Rico and the diaspora participated, with some 1,500 arrested for occupying the bombing range or for other acts of nonviolent civil disobedience. When religious leaders called for a March for Peace in Vieques, some 150,000 protesters flooded the streets of San Juan in what was reportedly the largest demonstration in Puerto Rico’s history.
Facing this firestorm of protest, the US government finally capitulated. In 2003, the US Navy not only halted the bombing, but shut down its Roosevelt Roads naval base and withdrew entirely from Vieques.
Despite this enormous victory for a people’s movement, Vieques continues to face severe challenges today. These include unexploded ordnance and massive pollution from heavy metals and toxic chemicals that were released through the dropping of an estimated trillion tons of munitions, including depleted uranium, on the tiny island. As a result, Vieques is now a major Superfund Site, with cancer and other disease rates substantially higher than in the rest of Puerto Rico. Also, with its traditional economy destroyed, the island suffers from widespread poverty. 
Nevertheless, the islanders, no longer hindered by military overlords, are grappling with these issues through imaginative reconstruction and development projects, including ecotourism.  Rabin, who served three jail terms (including one lasting six months) for his protest activities, now directs the Count Mirasol Fort?a facility that once served as a prison for unruly slaves and striking sugar cane workers, but now provides rooms for the Vieques Museum, community meetings and celebrations, historical archives, and Radio Vieques.
Of course, the successful struggle by the Viequenses to liberate their island from the burdens of militarism also provides a source of hope for people around the world. This includes the people in the rest of the United States, who continue to pay a heavy economic and human price for their government’s extensive war preparations and endless wars.
Lawrence S. Wittner (lawrenceswittner.com) is Professor of History emeritus at SUNY/Albany. His latest book is Confronting the Bomb (Stanford University Press). Reprinted with permission from Foreign Policy In Focus.

Read more by Lawrence Wittner

U.S. Hypocrisy on Venezuela

U.S. Hypocrisy on Venezuela


by 
Like other U.S. regime-change operations, the current one against the regime of Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro is rife with hypocrisy. After all, what is the main complaint that President Trump and other U.S. officials have against Maduro? It is that he is a socialist whose socialist programs and policies have brought misery and suffering to the Venezuelan people. Thus, by initiating a regime-change operation against Maduro, U.S. officials are portraying themselves as good-hearted, compassionate conservatives who are just trying to help the Venezuelan people.
One big problem with this position, however, is that President Trump and his interventionist cohorts, including such Cold War dead-ender advisers as John Bolton, Elliott Abrams, and Mike Pompeo, are socialists too and embrace socialism here in the United States. For example, like all other Republicans and Democrats, they support Social Security, Medicare, public (i.e., government) schooling, farm subsidies, and other welfare-state programs, all of which are core elements of Maduro’s socialist system in Venezuela. For that matter, they are also core features of the socialist system in Cuba, where Trump and his Cold War dinosauric advisers are still obsessed with bringing regime change, notwithstanding more than half-a-century of failure.
Another big problem is that Trump and his national-security state regime-changers actually love communists, at least those who are deferential to them. Example: The brutal communist dictator of North Korea, with whom Trump fell in love on first sight. Another example: Vietnam, which is ruled by a brutal communist regime. That’s where Trump chose to have his most recent encounter with the North Korean communist dictator with whom he is now so enamored. Vietnam has also been embraced by the Pentagon, notwithstanding the fact that Vietnam’s communist regime killed more than 58,000 American men during the Vietnam War.
A third big problem is that Trump, the Pentagon, and the CIA have knowingly, deliberately, and intentionally added to the misery and suffering of the Venezuelan people with economic sanctions. In fact, the very idea of sanctions is to target the citizenry of a country with death and impoverishment in the hope that this will encourage the citizenry to revolt, or that it will encourage the Venezuelan military to effect a coup, or that it will encourage Maduro to abdicate. 
The fact is that, like with previous regime-change operations, U.S. officials couldn’t care less about the well-being of the Venezuelan people. All they care about is ousting Maduro and replacing him with a pro-U.S. regime, preferably a military one, one that will bring “order and stability” to the country. If Venezuelan citizens have to be sacrificed to achieve that goal, so be it. The mindset is that the survivors will be better off for it. That’s why U.S. Ambassador to the UN Madeleine Albright stated that the deaths of half-a-million Iraqi children from the sanctions the U.S. government enforced against Iraq in the 1990s were “worth it.” In other words, no price is too high to pay in terms of the lives of foreign citizens to achieve regime change.
What is the real beef that Trump, the Pentagon, the CIA, the NSA, and the Cold War dead-enders have against Maduro? It is that he, like his predecessor Hugo Chavez, is independent of the U.S. worldwide military-intelligence empire. He refuses to take orders from Trump, the Pentagon, or the CIA. He doesn’t defer to them and do what they want. He doesn’t bend the knee to them. In fact, like Chavez, Maduro isn’t reluctant to criticize the U.S. national-security establishment and its police of foreign interventionism, something that sends U.S. officials into a rage.
Of course, that is also why they hated Cuban leader Fidel Castro. No, not because Castro was a communist or a socialist or because they loved the Cuban people but because Castro stood up against the United States and declared Cuba’s independence from U.S. control. That’s why they went after him. That’s why they targeted him for assassination. 
In his Fourth of July speech to Congress in 1821, John Quincy Adams stated that if America were ever to abandon its founding foreign policy of non-interventionism, the U.S. government would begin behaving as a worldwide dictator. The U.S. government’s regime-change operation against Venezuela is just the most recent confirmation of how astute Adams was.

This post was written by: 

Jacob G. Hornberger is founder and president of The Future of Freedom Foundation. He was born and raised in Laredo, Texas, and received his B.A. in economics from Virginia Military Institute and his law degree from the University of Texas. He was a trial attorney for twelve years in Texas. He also was an adjunct professor at the University of Dallas, where he taught law and economics. In 1987, Mr. Hornberger left the practice of law to become director of programs at the Foundation for Economic Education. He has advanced freedom and free markets on talk-radio stations all across the country as well as on Fox News’ Neil Cavuto and Greta van Susteren shows and he appeared as a regular commentator on Judge Andrew Napolitano’s show Freedom Watch. View these interviews atLewRockwell.com and from Full Context. Send him email.



Predator Cops Are a Menace to Society

Predator Cops, Guilty of Sex Crimes Against Women and Children, Are a Menace to Society


How could this be happening right under our noses?
That’s what readers wanted to know after my column went viral about the extent to which young children are being bought and sold for sex in America.
Where are the police when these children—some as young as 9 years old—are being raped repeatedly?
For that matter, what is the Trump Administration doing about the fact that adults purchase children for sex at least 2.5 million times a year in suburbs, cities and towns across this nation?
I’ll tell you what the government is doing: little to nothing.Battlefield America: T...John W. WhiteheadBest Price: $14.45Buy New $19.54(as of 03:05 EDT - Details)
While America’s children are being menaced by sexual predators, the Trump Administration and its congressional cohorts continue to wage endless wars, run up the national debt, and distract the populace with vitriol and kabuki political theater.
The police are not much better.
In too many instances, the cops are worse.
Indeed, while there are certainly many good cops in this country—and I’ve had the honor of working with a number of them—the bad cops have become symptomatic of a criminal justice system that is deeply rotten through and through.
We can no longer count on police to save us from the worst in our society.
In many cases, rather than being part of the solution, America’s police forces—riddled with corruption, brutality, sexual misconduct and drug abuse—have largely become part of the problem. As the Philadelphia Inquirer reports, “Hundreds of police officers across the country have turned from protectors to predators, using the power of their badge to extort sex.”
Let’s start with sex trafficking.
In a number of cases, victims of sex trafficking report that police are among those “buying” young girls and women for sex.
In other words, as a recent study by the State Commission on the Status of Women and Arizona State University makes clear, “victims are being exploited by the very people who are supposed to protect them: police officers.”
In New York, seven NYPD cops—three sergeants, two detectives and two officers—were accused of running brothels that sold 15-minute sexual encounters, raking in more than $2 million over the course of 13 months. Two of the cops, brothers, were charged with holding a bachelor party at one of the brothels where “they got the place for nothing and they used the prostitutes.”
In California, a police sergeant—a 16-year veteran of the police force—was arrested for raping a 16-year-old girl who was being held captive and sold for sex in a home in an upscale neighborhood.
A week-long sting in Florida ended with 277 arrests of individuals accused of sex trafficking, including doctors, pharmacists and police officers.
Sex trafficking victims in Hawaii described “cops asking for sexual favors to more coercive situations like I’ll let you go if you do X, Y, or Z for me.”
One study found that “over 14 percent of sex workers said that they had been threatened with arrest unless they had sex with a police officer.” In many states, it’s actually legal for police to have sex with prostitutes during the course of sting operations.
While the problem of cops engaged in sex trafficking is part of the American police state’s seedy underbelly that doesn’t get addressed enough, equally alarming is the number of cops who commit sex crimes against those they encounter as part of their job duties, a largely underreported number given the “blue wall of silence” that shields police misconduct.
Young girls are particularly vulnerable to these predators in blue.
Former police officer Phil Stinson estimates that half of the victims of police sex crimes are minors under the age of eighteen.
According to The Washington Post, a national study found that 40 percent of reported cases of police sexual misconduct involved teens. One young woman was assaulted during a “ride along” with an officer, who said in a taped confession: “The badge gets you the p—y and the p—y gets your badge, you know?
For example, a Pennsylvania police chief and his friend were arrested for allegedly raping a young girl hundreds of times—orally, vaginally, and anally several times a week—over the course of seven years, starting when she was 4 years old.
In 2017, two NYPD cops were accused of arresting a teenager, handcuffing her, and driving her in an unmarked van to a nearby parking lot, where they raped her and forced her to perform oral sex on them, then dropped her off on a nearby street corner.
One young girl, J.E., was kidnapped by a Border Patrol agent when she was 14 years old, taken to his apartment and raped. “In the apartment, there were two beds on top of the other, children’s bunk beds, and ropes there, too. They were shoelaces. For my wrists and my feet. My mind was blank,” recalls J.E. “I was trying to understand everything. I didn’t know what to do. My feet were tied up. I would look at him and he had a gun. And that frightened me. I asked him why, and he answered me that he was doing this to me because I was the prettiest one of the three.”
Two teenage girls accused a Customs and Border Protection officer of forcing them to strip, fondling them, then trying to get them to stop crying by offering chocolates, potato chips and a blanket. The government settled the case for $125,000.
Mind you, this is the same government that has been separating immigrant children from their parents and locking them up in detention centers, where they are easy prey for sexual predators. So far, the government has received more than 4500 complaints about sexual abuse at those child detention facilities.
This is also the same government that “lost” almost 1500 migrant children. Who knows how many of those children ended up in the hands of traffickers?
The police state’s sexual assaults of children are sickening enough, but when you add sex crimes against grown women into the mix, the picture becomes even more sordid.
According to The Washington Post, “research on ‘police sexual misconduct’—a term used to describe actions from sexual harassment and extortion to forcible rape by officers—overwhelmingly concludes that it is a systemic problem.”
Investigative journalist Andrea Ritchie has tracked national patterns of sexual violence by police officers during traffic stops, in addition to heightened risk from minor offenses, drug arrests and police interactions with teenagers.
Victims of domestic abuse, women of color, transgender women, women who use drugs or alcohol, and women involved in the sex trade are particularly vulnerable to sexual assault by police.
One Oklahoma City police officer allegedly sexually assaulted at least seven women while on duty over the course of four months, including a 57-year-old grandmother who says she was forced to give the cop oral sex after he pulled her over.
A Philadelphia state trooper, eventually convicted of assaulting six women and teenagers, once visited the hospital bedside of a pregnant woman who had attempted suicide, and groped her breasts and masturbated.
These aren’t isolated incidents.
According to research from Bowling Green State University, police officers in the U.S. were charged with more than 400 rapes over a 9-year period. During that same time period, 600 police officers were arrested for forcible fondling; 219 were charged with forcible sodomy; 186 were arrested for statutory rape; 58 for sexual assault with an object; and 98 with indecent exposure.
Sexual assault is believed to be the second-most reported form of misconduct against police officers after the use of excessive force, making up more than 9% of all complaints.
Even so, these crimes are believed to be largely underreported so much so that sex crimes may in fact be the number one form of misconduct among police officers.
So why are the numbers underreported? “The women are terrified. Who are they going to call? It’s the police who are abusing them,” said Penny Harrington, the former police chief of Portland, Ore.
One Philadelphia cop threatened to arrest a teenager for carjacking unless she had sex with him. “He had all the power. I had no choice,” testified the girl. “Who was I? He had his badge.”
This is the danger of a police state that invests its henchmen with so much power that they don’t even need to use handcuffs or a gun to get what they want.
Making matters worse, most police departments do little to identify the offenders, and even less to stop them. “Unlike other types of police misconduct, the abuse of police power to coerce sex is little addressed in training, and rarely tracked by police disciplinary systems,” conclude Nancy Phillips and Craig R. McCoy writing for the Philadelphia Inquirer. “This official neglect makes it easier for predators to escape punishment and find new victims.”
Unfortunately, this is a problem that is hiding in plain sight, covered up by government agencies that are failing in their constitutional duties to serve and protect “we the people.”
That thin blue line of knee-jerk adulation and absolute loyalty to police above and beyond what the law requires—a line frequently pushed by President Trump—is creating a menace to society that cannot be ignored.
An investigative report into police misconduct illustrates the pervasiveness of the problem when police go rogue. According to USA Today:
At least 85,000 law enforcement officers across the USA have been investigated or disciplined for misconduct over the past decade… Officers have beaten members of the public, planted evidence and used their badges to harass women. They have lied, stolen, dealt drugs, driven drunk and abused their spouses. Despite their role as public servants, the men and women who swear an oath to keep communities safe can generally avoid public scrutiny for their misdeeds. The records of their misconduct are filed away, rarely seen by anyone outside their departments. Police unions and their political allies have worked to put special protections in place ensuring some records are shielded from public view, or even destroyed. Obtained from thousands of state agencies, prosecutors, police departments and sheriffs, the records detail at least 200,000 incidents of alleged misconduct, much of it previously unreported… They include 22,924 investigations of officers using excessive force, 3,145 allegations of rape, child molestation and other sexual misconduct and 2,307 cases of domestic violence by officers.
As researcher Jonathan Blanks notes, “The system is rigged to protect police officers from outside accountability. The worst cops are going to get the most protection.
Hyped up on the power of the badge and their weaponry, protected from charges of wrongdoing by police unions and government agencies, and empowered by rapidly advancing tools—technological and otherwise—that make it all too easy to identify, track and take advantage of vulnerable members of society, predators on the nation’s police forces are growing in number.
“It can start with a police officer punching a woman’s license plate into a police computer – not to see whether a car is stolen, but to check out her picture,” warns investigative journalists Nancy Phillips and Craig R. McCoy. “If they are not caught, or left unpunished, the abusers tend to keep going, and get worse, experts say.”A Government of Wolves...John W. WhiteheadBest Price: $1.51Buy New $6.00(as of 02:55 EDT - Details)
So where does this leave us?
The courts, by allowing the government’s desire for unregulated, unaccountable, expansive power to trump justice and the rule of law, have turned away from this menace. Politicians, eager for the support of the powerful police unions, have turned away from this menace. Religious leaders who should know better but instead have silenced their moral conscience in order to cozy up to political power have turned away from this menace.
Distracted by political theater, divided by politics, disenfranchised by a legislative and judicial system that renders us powerless in the face of the police state’s many abuses, “we the people” have also turned a blind eye to this menace.
We must stop turning away from this menace in our midst.
For starters, police should not be expected—or allowed—to police themselves.
Misconduct by local police has become a national problem. Therefore, the response to this national problem must start at the local level.
This is no longer a matter of a few bad apples.
The entire system has become corrupted and must be reformed.
Greater oversight is needed, yes, but also greater accountability and more significant consequences for assaults.
Andrea Ritchie’s piece in The Washington Post provides some practical suggestions for reform ranging from small steps to structural changes (greater surveillance of police movements, heightened scrutiny of police interactions and traffic stops, and more civilian oversight boards), but as she acknowledges, these efforts still don’t strike at the root of the problem: a criminal justice system that protects abusers and encourages abuse.
It’s difficult to say whether modern-day policing with its deep-seated corruption, immunity from accountability, and authoritarian approach to law enforcement attracts this kind of deviant behavior or cultivates it, but empowering police to view themselves as the best, or even the only, solution to the public’s problems, while failing to hold them accountable for misconduct, will only deepen the policing crisis that grows deadlier and more menacing by the day.

Truthout Sunday 20/11/2026

  SUNDAY, SEPTEMBER 20, 2026 Walking September 11’s Other Crime Scenes Millions had fled along the highway I had taken. Behind them Iraq was...