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maandag 13 oktober 2008

Het Neoliberale Geloof 225

Het staatskapitalisme dat zich nu ontwikkelt door het nationaliseren van banken, is slechts symptoombestrijding. De ziekte gaat onderhuids gewoon door. En die ziekte heet: Greed. Egoisme. Hebzucht. Die is onverzadigbaar en vreet uiteindelijk zichzelf op.

Paul Mazer, een vooraanstaande bankier van de inmiddels failliete Lehman Brothers vatte de kapitalistische ideologie als volgt samen: "We must shift America from a 'needs' to a 'desires' culture, people must be trained to desire, to want new things even before the old has been completely consumed . We must shape a new mentality in America, man's desires must overshadow his needs." Het spreekt voor zich dat de massamedia, de pers, hierin een centrale rol kreeg toebedeeld. Bij gebrek aan verbeeldingskracht juichen de commerciele massamedia dan ook minister Bos toe. Maar helaas is deze sociaal-democraat niet meer dan een kwakzalver, net als alle andere politici die pleitten voor wat Noam Chomsky noemde: 'socialisme voor de rijken.'

Mijn zoon Dylan wees mij op het volgende: vorige weeek woensdag was bij de BBC Bizdaily de miljardair en speculant Kim Rogers uit Hong Kong te horen, de voormalige partner van George Soros. Hij zei het volgende over de financiele crisis: 'The governments around the world are frantic, and they are panicking now, trying to do something to stop it. I suspect that everything they do will be wrong, although it could cause a temporary bounce for maybe three weeks, three months, who knows how long, depending on what they do. And if you see some massive actions from - say - the American government, you probably should join in and buy for a while, but remember it is not the end of the bear market, it is just a temporary bounce!' Nu weet u in elk geval wat de grote speculanten vandaag aan het doen waren.

Noam Chomsky 28

'Anti-democratic nature of US capitalism is being exposed

By Noam Chomsky

THE SIMULTANEOUS unfolding of the US presidential campaign and unraveling of the financial markets presents one of those occasions where the political and economic systems starkly reveal their nature.
Passion about the campaign may not be universally shared but almost everybody can feel the anxiety from the foreclosure of a million homes, and concerns about jobs, savings and healthcare at risk.
The initial Bush proposals to deal with the crisis so reeked of totalitarianism that they were quickly modified. Under intense lobbyist pressure, they were reshaped as "a clear win for the largest institutions in the system . . . a way of dumping assets without having to fail or close", as described by James Rickards, who negotiated the federal bailout for the hedge fund Long Term Capital Management in 1998, reminding us that we are treading familiar turf.
The immediate origins of the current meltdown lie in the collapse of the housing bubble supervised by Federal Reserve chairman Alan Greenspan, which sustained the struggling economy through the Bush years by debt-based consumer spending along with borrowing from abroad. But the roots are deeper. In part they lie in the triumph of financial liberalisation in the past 30 years - that is, freeing the markets as much as possible from government regulation.
These steps predictably increased the frequency and depth of severe reversals, which now threaten to bring about the worst crisis since the Great Depression.
Also predictably, the narrow sectors that reaped enormous profits from liberalisation are calling for massive state intervention to rescue collapsing financial institutions.
Such interventionism is a regular feature of state capitalism, though the scale today is unusual. A study by international economists Winfried Ruigrok and Rob van Tulder 15 years ago found that at least 20 companies in the Fortune 100 would not have survived if they had not been saved by their respective governments, and that many of the rest gained substantially by demanding that governments "socialise their losses," as in today's taxpayer-financed bailout. Such government intervention "has been the rule rather than the exception over the past two centuries", they conclude.
In a functioning democratic society, a political campaign would address such fundamental issues, looking into root causes and cures, and proposing the means by which people suffering the consequences can take effective control.
The financial market "underprices risk" and is "systematically inefficient", as economists John Eatwell and Lance Taylor wrote a decade ago, warning of the extreme dangers of financial liberalisation and reviewing the substantial costs already incurred - and proposing solutions, which have been ignored. One factor is failure to calculate the costs to those who do not participate in transactions. These "externalities" can be huge. Ignoring systemic risk leads to more risk-taking than would take place in an efficient economy, even by the narrowest measures.
The task of financial institutions is to take risks and, if well-managed, to ensure that potential losses to themselves will be covered. The emphasis is on "to themselves". Under state capitalist rules, it is not their business to consider the cost to others - the "externalities" of decent survival - if their practices lead to financial crisis, as they regularly do.
Financial liberalization has effects well beyond the economy. It has long been understood that it is a powerful weapon against democracy. Free capital movement creates what some have called a "virtual parliament" of investors and lenders, who closely monitor government programs and "vote" against them if they are considered irrational: for the benefit of people, rather than concentrated private power.
Investors and lenders can "vote" by capital flight, attacks on currencies and other devices offered by financial liberalization. That is one reason why the Bretton Woods system established by the United States and Britain after the second World War instituted capital controls and regulated currencies.*
The Great Depression and the war had aroused powerful radical democratic currents, ranging from the anti-fascist resistance to working class organization. These pressures made it necessary to permit social democratic policies. The Bretton Woods system was designed in part to create a space for government action responding to public will - for some measure of democracy.
John Maynard Keynes, the British negotiator, considered the most important achievement of Bretton Woods to be the establishment of the right of governments to restrict capital movement.
In dramatic contrast, in the neoliberal phase after the breakdown of the Bretton Woods system in the 1970s, the US treasury now regards free capital mobility as a "fundamental right", unlike such alleged "rights" as those guaranteed by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights: health, education, decent employment, security and other rights that the Reagan and Bush administrations have dismissed as "letters to Santa Claus", "preposterous", mere "myths".
In earlier years, the public had not been much of a problem. The reasons are reviewed by Barry Eichengreen in his standard scholarly history of the international monetary system. He explains that in the 19th century, governments had not yet been "politicized by universal male suffrage and the rise of trade unionism and parliamentary labor parties". Therefore, the severe costs imposed by the virtual parliament could be transferred to the general population.
But with the radicalization of the general public during the Great Depression and the anti-fascist war, that luxury was no longer available to private power and wealth. Hence in the Bretton Woods system, "limits on capital mobility substituted for limits on democracy as a source of insulation from market pressures".
The obvious corollary is that after the dismantling of the postwar system, democracy is restricted. It has therefore become necessary to control and marginalize the public in some fashion, processes particularly evident in the more business-run societies like the United States. The management of electoral extravaganzas by the public relations industry is one illustration.
"Politics is the shadow cast on society by big business," concluded America's leading 20th century social philosopher John Dewey, and will remain so as long as power resides in "business for private profit through private control of banking, land, industry, reinforced by command of the press, press agents and other means of publicity and propaganda".
The United States effectively has a one-party system, the business party, with two factions, Republicans and Democrats. There are differences between them. In his study Unequal Democracy: The Political Economy of the New Gilded Age, Larry Bartels shows that during the past six decades "real incomes of middle-class families have grown twice as fast under Democrats as they have under Republicans, while the real incomes of working-poor families have grown six times as fast under Democrats as they have under Republicans".
Differences can be detected in the current election as well. Voters should consider them, but without illusions about the political parties, and with the recognition that consistently over the centuries, progressive legislation and social welfare have been won by popular struggles, not gifts from above.
Those struggles follow a cycle of success and setback. They must be waged every day, not just once every four years, always with the goal of creating a genuinely responsive democratic society, from the voting booth to the workplace.
* The Bretton Woods system of global financial management was created by 730 delegates from all 44 Allied Second World War nations who attended a UN-hosted Monetary and Financial Conference at the Mount Washington Hotel in Bretton Woods in New Hampshire in 1944.
Bretton Woods, which collapsed in 1971, was the system of rules, institutions, and procedures that regulated the international monetary system, under which were set up the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (IBRD) (now one of five institutions in the World Bank Group) and the International Monetary Fund (IMF), which came into effect in 1945.
The chief feature of Bretton Woods was an obligation for each country to adopt a monetary policy that maintained the exchange rate of its currency within a fixed value.
The system collapsed when the US suspended convertibility from dollars to gold. This created the unique situation whereby the US dollar became the "reserve currency" for the other countries within Bretton Woods.

This article appeared first in The Irish Times.'

As It Is In Heaven


Gisteravond heb ik naar een schitterende film gekeken, die vertroosting biedt. Ik kreeg hem van mijn collega Henk Weltevreden. Het is een film over liefde en angst voor liefde. Als u tijd heeft, probeer de film dan bij de videotheek te lenen.

'As It Is In Heaven (Zweedse titel: SÃ¥ som i himmelen) is een Zweedse film uit 2004. Deze is geregisseerd door Kay Pollak. De muziek werd geschreven door Stefan Nilsson, die hiervoor een nominatie voor beste componist kreeg op het Europese Filmfestival in 2005.'



Maarten Schinkel van de NRC 16

Boven een zogeheten 'nieuwsanalyse' van 'financieel commentator' Maarten Schinkel, die zijn collega Freek Staps kennelijk als toezichthouder heeft gekregen, staat als kop: 'Bij reddingsplannen dicteert de markt de politiek.' Dit heeft de koppenmaker als essentie uit het artikel gehaald. En zo kennen we Maarten weer, die eeuwige eufemismen, die mistige woorden die de werkelijkheid omfloersen en zelfs verhullen. Wat Maarten Schinkel eigenlijk bedoeld is dat de politiek verantwoordelijken de speculerende bankiers onbeperkt toegang verlenen tot de staatskluizen om daar net zonlang uit de gemeenschapsruif te vreten tot ze helemaal bevredigd zijn en de failliete geldhandel weer op zijn poten staat en een kleine schatrijke elite weer door kan gaan met zwendel. En raadt eens wat: 'Beurzen veren op na Europees bankenplan' zo bericht NRC verheugd op dezelfde voorpagina. Dat is niet verwonderlijk. Vorige week merkte ik op dat de crisis pas voorbij is zodra de speculanten op de beurzen het 'vertrouwen' hebben dat hun gespeculeer financieel gedekt wordt door de belastingbetaler. Afgelopen donderdag schreef ik:

'Pas zodra de gemeenschap genoeg gedokt heeft om de allergrootste schuld te dekken, zullen de speculerende banken besluiten dat er weer genoeg 'vertrouwen' is om de luchthandel weer op volle toeren te laten draaien. Geef de bankiers ook eens ongelijk, als u een zak geld kunt krijgen voor uw eigen falen, dan zou u dat toch ook toejuichen? Nou dan. Intussen lachen de speculanten zich rot. Neem ze het eens kwalijk. Domheid moet beloond worden. De vraag is alleen: wiens domheid?


'Europe acts to strengthen banks

French, German and UK leaders reveal their bank rescue plans
Major European economies have announced multi-billion euro rescue schemes to shore up their banks.'


Die lachende knapen op de foto en hun opdrachtgevers danken u zeer voor uw bereidwillige medewerking voor het in stand houden van hun handel.
Even nog dit voor mijn collega Maarten Schinkel. Maarten, dit schreef ik onlangs:
'De Britse geleerde Ralph Milliband schreef in De staat in de kapitalistische maatschappij: 'Kan een overheidsinstantie het niveau van lonen, prijzen en winsten bepalen? Kan het, belangrijker nog, het niveau en de richting van investeringen vaststellen? Kan een regeringsinstantie grondstoffen distribueren of bedrijfsvestigingen controleren? Kan zij op een of andere wijze volledige werkgelegenheid of een economisch groeipercentage garanderen?' Milliband toont aan dat de regering in een parlementaire democratie dit alles niet kan. Het enige dat de volksvertegenwoordiging kan doen is de eisen van de financiele macht gehoorzamen. En dat is precies wat er nu gebeurt.'
Leg jij nu als 'financieel commentator' van de 'slijpsteen voor de geest' je lezers eens uit hoe het komt dat in een parlementaire democratie de volksvertegenwoordiging geen greep heeft op de economie, maar dat een selecte schatrijke elite wel een greep heeft op de hele volksvertegenwoordiging. En waarom heet dit systeem democratie? Want het begrip democratie suggereert toch op zijn minst dat de meerderheid van de bevolking een wezenlijke greep heeft op het bepalen van haar lot. Dit moet voor jou als financieel deskundige, die ervoor doorgeleerd heeft, makkelijk uit te leggen zijn. Slijp de geest van je lezers Maarten. Een fluitje van een cent.

Het Neoliberale Geloof 224

De auteur Milan Kundera zei het volgende:

‘In de romans van Flaubert is de dwaasheid… een van het menselijk bestaan onscheidbare dimensie… de dwaasheid vervaagt niet ten overstaan van de wetenschap, de techniek, de vooruitgang of het moderne, integendeel, met de vooruitgang gaat ook zij vooruit… de moderne dwaasheid betekent niet de onwetendheid, maar de gedachteloosheid van pasklare ideeën. De flaubertiaanse ontdekking is voor de toekomst van de wereld belangrijker dan de meest schokkende gedachten van Marx en Freud. Want je kunt je de toekomst wel voorstellen zonder de klassenstrijd of zonder de psychoanalyse, maar niet zonder de onweerstaanbare opkomst van pasklare ideeën die, ingevoerd in computers, gepropageerd door de massamedia, het gevaar met zich meebrengen binnenkort de macht te worden die elk oorspronkelijk en individueel denken verplettert en zo de werkelijke essentie van de Europese cultuur van onze tijd verstikt.’

Inderdaad, ‘de moderne dwaasheid betekent niet de onwetendheid, maar de gedachteloosheid van pasklare ideeën.’ Dit verklaart ook het feit dat banken vele malen meer uitleenden dan ze in kas hadden en niet beseften dat zo’n luchthandel onvermijdelijk moest ontploffen. En ook de overgrote meerderheid van de democratisch gekozen politici, en de zelf benoemde controleurs van de macht, de journalisten, die het systeem verkochten, bezaten geen gezond verstand. Inderdaad, we zien overal rondom ons ‘de onweerstaanbare opkomst van pasklare ideeën die, ingevoerd in computers, gepropageerd door de massamedia, het gevaar met zich meebrengen binnenkort de macht te worden die elk oorspronkelijk en individueel denken verplettert en zo de werkelijke essentie van de Europese cultuur van onze tijd verstikt.’ De domoren zijn aan de macht. En diezelfde domoren weigeren enige bescheidenheid te vertonen en verdringen zich nu om de mensheid te vertellen wat de oplossing voor hun eigen falen moet zijn. Het is een beschamende vertoning.

We leven in een tijd die door de Amerikaanse socioloog C. Wright Mills getypeerd werd als ‘rationality without reason’. Het voorbeeld bij uitstek daarvan is de atoombom, die niet alleen de vijand maar ook de eigen groep bedreigt met uitroeiing. Het huidige kapitalistische systeem is een permanente staat van oorlog met mens en natuur, het dient geen enkel doel, behalve zichzelf en zo bedreigt het ’t voortbestaan van de hele mensheid. Rationaliteit zonder rede.

Dit weekeinde zei een kennis van me dat minister Bos als held uit deze crisis te voorschijn komt, en zij had gelijk. De angst onder de bevolking is zo groot dat de mensen een ieder geloven die doet alsof hij/zij een oplossing heeft. De NRC zowel als de Volkskrant schilderen hem/haar af als de redder in nood. In werkelijkheid probeert minister Bos, net als andere westerse politici van links en rechts, het kapitalisme te redden nu het banksysteem volkomen failliet is. De volksvertegenwoordigers gaan zover dat ze ‘onbeperkte toegang’ hebben verleend tot belastinggelden. Dat wil zeggen, vele honderden miljarden voor mensen die niet met geld om kunnen gaan, zoals we gemerkt hebben. Gigantische subsidies ten koste van alle andere uitgaven, moeten en zullen een geprivatiseerd systeem dat bewezen heeft failliet te zijn, overeind moeten houden. Ten koste van alles en iedereen, zo groot is de angst, zo groot is het gebrek aan verbeeldingskracht, zo groot is het totalitaire karakter van de moderniteit. De mens kust zijn eigen ketenen waarmee hij aan het systeem vastgeklonken zit. Hij juicht zijn leiders toe. 200 miljard euro kan er ineens door de Nederlandse regering vanuit het niets worden getoverd. Geld dat er niet was voor bejaarden, verpleegsters, kunstenaars, onderwijzend personeel, is er wel voor de speculanten die de oorzaak zijn van de ineenstorting van dit systeem. Alles zijn we bereid te geven, om maar niet met een oplossing te hoeven komen, omdat 'elk oorspronkelijk en individueel denken is verplettert en zo de werkelijke essentie van de Europese cultuur van onze tijd verstikt.’ En deze ordening noemen we: democratie.

Hallelujah!

Het Neoliberale Geloof 223


De Huffington Post publiceert enkele namen van deskundigen die wel degelijk waarschuwden maar geen gehoor vonden bij de bankiers, politici en de overgrote meerderheid van de journalisten:


Huffington Post October 12, 2008 04:40 PM Read More: Economic Dishonor Roll, Economic Honor Roll, Economy, Honor Roll, Video, Wall Street Crisis, Business News
Now that a full-scale economic crisis is upon us, many are left asking the complicated but necessary question of how did we get here. While there are numerous individuals and institutions who deserve their share of the blame, it is also important to recognize those issued warnings about the fragility of the financial system and sounded the alarm about an impending collapse before it all came crashing down. Below is the beginning of our look at some of the figures--politicians, economists, pundits--whose observations about our financial situation have come to seem all too prescient. Please check back as more names are added to our list and by all means let us know who else deserves credit for having seen our current meltdown coming.
Nouriel Roubini, NYU professor of economics: from "The Rising Risk of a Systemic Financial Meltdown: The Twelve Steps to Financial Disaster" (subscription req'd), February 5, 2008
Sixth, it is possible that some large regional or even national bank that is very exposed to mortgages, residential and commercial, will go bankrupt. Thus some big banks may join the 200 plus subprime lenders that have gone bankrupt.[...]Ninth, the "shadow banking system" (as defined by the PIMCO folks) or more precisely the "shadow financial system" (as it is composed by non-bank financial institutions) will soon get into serious trouble.[...]Tenth, stock markets in the US and abroad will start pricing a severe US recession - rather than a mild recession - and a sharp global economic slowdown.[...]A near global economic recession will ensue as the financial and credit losses and the credit crunch spread around the world. Panic, fire sales, cascading fall in asset prices will exacerbate the financial and real economic distress as a number of large and systemically important financial institutions go bankrupt. A 1987 style stock market crash could occur leading to further panic and severe financial and economic distress. In this meltdown scenario US and global financial markets will experience their most severe crisis in the last quarter of a century. Warren Buffett, BBC News, "Buffett Warns On Investment 'Time Bomb,'" March 4, 2003
[Derivatives are] financial weapons of mass destruction.[...]Derivatives generate reported earnings that are often wildly overstated and based on estimates whose inaccuracy may not be exposed for many years.[...]Large amounts of risk have becomes concentrated in the hands of relatively few derivatives dealers ... which can trigger serious systematic problems.Nassim Nicholas Taleb, from his book The Black Swan The Impact of the Highly Improbable, April 2007
Globalization creates interlocking fragility, while reducing volatility and giving the appearance of stability. In other words it creates devastating Black Swans. We have never lived before under the threat of a global collapse. Financial Institutions have been merging into a smaller number of very large banks. Almost all banks are interrelated. So the financial ecology is swelling into gigantic, incestuous, bureaucratic banks - when one fails, they all fall. The increased concentration among banks seems to have the effect of making financial crises less likely, but when they happen they are more global in scale and hit us very hard. We have moved from a diversified ecology of small banks, with varied lending policies, to a more homogeneous framework of firms that all resemble one another. True, we now have fewer failures, but when they occur ....I shiver at the thought.[...]The government-sponsored institution Fannie Mae, when I look at its risks, seems to be sitting on a barrel of dynamite, vulnerable to the slightest hiccup. But not to worry: their large staff of scientists deemed these events 'unlikely'.Byron Dorgan, Senator (D-ND): New York Times, "Washington's Invisible Hand," September 26, 2008Dorgan's comment on McCain adviser Phil Gramm's deregulation efforts back in 1999:
I think we will look back in 10 years' time and say we should not have done this, but we did because we forgot the lessons of the past and that that which is true in the 1930s is true in 2010.Joseph Stiglitz, Nobel Prize-winning economist: Washington Post, "The Iraq War Will Cost Us $3 Trillion, and Much More," March 9, 2008
We face an economic downturn that's likely to be the worst in more than a quarter-century.Until recently, many marveled at the way the United States could spend hundreds of billions of dollars on oil and blow through hundreds of billions more in Iraq with what seemed to be strikingly little short-run impact on the economy. But there's no great mystery here. The economy's weaknesses were concealed by the Federal Reserve, which pumped in liquidity, and by regulators that looked away as loans were handed out well beyond borrowers' ability to repay them. Meanwhile, banks and credit-rating agencies pretended that financial alchemy could convert bad mortgages into AAA assets, and the Fed looked the other way as the U.S. household-savings rate plummeted to zero.It's a bleak picture. The total loss from this economic downturn -- measured by the disparity between the economy's actual output and its potential output -- is likely to be the greatest since the Great Depression.Paul Krugman, New York Times columnist
Krugman has been warning about the dangers of the housing bubble for years, and the terrible toll it could take on the economy when it pops. Here is a Krugman warning from August 29, 2005:
These days Mr. Greenspan expresses concern about the financial risks created by "the prevalence of interest-only loans and the introduction of more-exotic forms of adjustable-rate mortgages." But last year he encouraged families to take on those very risks, touting the advantages of adjustable-rate mortgages and declaring that "American consumers might benefit if lenders provided greater mortgage product alternatives to the traditional fixed-rate mortgage.
If Mr. Greenspan had said two years ago what he's saying now, people might have borrowed less and bought more wisely. But he didn't, and now it's too late. There are signs that the housing market either has peaked already or soon will. And it will be up to Mr. Greenspan's successor to manage the bubble's aftermath.
How bad will that aftermath be? The U.S. economy is currently suffering from twin imbalances. On one side, domestic spending is swollen by the housing bubble, which has led both to a huge surge in construction and to high consumer spending, as people extract equity from their homes. On the other side, we have a huge trade deficit, which we cover by selling bonds to foreigners. As I like to say, these days Americans make a living by selling each other houses, paid for with money borrowed from China.One way or another, the economy will eventually eliminate both imbalances.

Warren Buffett, BBC News, "Buffett Warns On Investment 'Time Bomb,'" March 4, 2003
[Derivatives are] financial weapons of mass destruction.[...]Derivatives generate reported earnings that are often wildly overstated and based on estimates whose inaccuracy may not be exposed for many years.[...]Large amounts of risk have becomes concentrated in the hands of relatively few derivatives dealers ... which can trigger serious systematic problems.Nassim Nicholas Taleb, from his book The Black Swan The Impact of the Highly Improbable, April 2007
Globalization creates interlocking fragility, while reducing volatility and giving the appearance of stability. In other words it creates devastating Black Swans. We have never lived before under the threat of a global collapse. Financial Institutions have been merging into a smaller number of very large banks. Almost all banks are interrelated. So the financial ecology is swelling into gigantic, incestuous, bureaucratic banks - when one fails, they all fall. The increased concentration among banks seems to have the effect of making financial crises less likely, but when they happen they are more global in scale and hit us very hard. We have moved from a diversified ecology of small banks, with varied lending policies, to a more homogeneous framework of firms that all resemble one another. True, we now have fewer failures, but when they occur ....I shiver at the thought.[...]The government-sponsored institution Fannie Mae, when I look at its risks, seems to be sitting on a barrel of dynamite, vulnerable to the slightest hiccup. But not to worry: their large staff of scientists deemed these events 'unlikely'.Byron Dorgan, Senator (D-ND): New York Times, "Washington's Invisible Hand," September 26, 2008Dorgan's comment on McCain adviser Phil Gramm's deregulation efforts back in 1999:
I think we will look back in 10 years' time and say we should not have done this, but we did because we forgot the lessons of the past and that that which is true in the 1930s is true in 2010.Joseph Stiglitz, Nobel Prize-winning economist: Washington Post, "The Iraq War Will Cost Us $3 Trillion, and Much More," March 9, 2008
We face an economic downturn that's likely to be the worst in more than a quarter-century.Until recently, many marveled at the way the United States could spend hundreds of billions of dollars on oil and blow through hundreds of billions more in Iraq with what seemed to be strikingly little short-run impact on the economy. But there's no great mystery here. The economy's weaknesses were concealed by the Federal Reserve, which pumped in liquidity, and by regulators that looked away as loans were handed out well beyond borrowers' ability to repay them. Meanwhile, banks and credit-rating agencies pretended that financial alchemy could convert bad mortgages into AAA assets, and the Fed looked the other way as the U.S. household-savings rate plummeted to zero.It's a bleak picture. The total loss from this economic downturn -- measured by the disparity between the economy's actual output and its potential output -- is likely to be the greatest since the Great Depression.Paul Krugman, New York Times columnist
Krugman has been warning about the dangers of the housing bubble for years, and the terrible toll it could take on the economy when it pops. Here is a Krugman warning from August 29, 2005:
These days Mr. Greenspan expresses concern about the financial risks created by "the prevalence of interest-only loans and the introduction of more-exotic forms of adjustable-rate mortgages." But last year he encouraged families to take on those very risks, touting the advantages of adjustable-rate mortgages and declaring that "American consumers might benefit if lenders provided greater mortgage product alternatives to the traditional fixed-rate mortgage.
If Mr. Greenspan had said two years ago what he's saying now, people might have borrowed less and bought more wisely. But he didn't, and now it's too late. There are signs that the housing market either has peaked already or soon will. And it will be up to Mr. Greenspan's successor to manage the bubble's aftermath.
How bad will that aftermath be? The U.S. economy is currently suffering from twin imbalances. On one side, domestic spending is swollen by the housing bubble, which has led both to a huge surge in construction and to high consumer spending, as people extract equity from their homes. On the other side, we have a huge trade deficit, which we cover by selling bonds to foreigners. As I like to say, these days Americans make a living by selling each other houses, paid for with money borrowed from China.One way or another, the economy will eventually eliminate both imbalances.'


Let u nu eens op welke praatjesmakers op de Nederlandse televisie verschijnen om u te vertellen wat de oplossing is voor het failliete neoliberale geloof.

Pieter Klok van de Volkskrant 3

Ik kreg deze e-mail van mijn collega Pieter Klok:

'Geachte heer Van Houcke, beste Stan,

Als u zich wat dieper in mijn publicaties had verdiept - in plaats van selectief te citeren, dan weet u dat ik vanaf het begin het vaakst gewaarschuwd heb voor een crisis van wereldwijde omvang. Ik ben althans binnen de Volkskrant vanaf het begin het meest kritisch geweest.

Bij de Icesaverekening zaten inderdaad geen addertjes onder het gras, behalve dat een bank altijd failliet kan gaan. Dat blijkt nu ook. Iedereen krijgt zijn spaargeld tot 100 duizend euro gegarandeerd. De Landsbanki had een betere balans dan de gemiddelde Nederlandse bank.

Fortis is als staatsbank de veiligste bank van Nederland, dus ook daar valt volgens mij niets op af te dingen.

En bij elk dieptepunt op de beurs kan het inderdaad een goed moment zijn om in te stappen, maar zoals ervoor staat: De Volkskrant geeft in principe geen beleggingsadviezen.

Tot slot blijkt u weinig gevoel te hebben voor ironie.

Met vriendelijke groet,
Pieter Klok'

Beste Pieter Klok,

Laat me weten wanneer jij geschreven hebt dat door het gespeculeer met lucht, deze vorm van kapitalisme zo volledig ineen zou storten dat er een moment zou arriveren dat de banken 'limitless access' (BBC) zouden krijgen tot gemeenschapsgeld, dus het geld van belastingbetalers, zoals nu het geval is. Ik zal dat artikel ogenblikkelijk op mijn weblog publiceren.
In afwachting van je antwoord,
vriendelijke groet
Stan van Houcke

De Groene NAVO-Propagandist Maarten Muns

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