Nike, Obama, and the Fiasco of the Trans Pacific Partnership
Obama will be delivering his defense of the proposed TPP at the Nike headquarters in Oregon thinking it is a good example of what he is hoping to accomplish. Unfortunately, Nike is not a solution but is, in fact, the very problem with this TPP proposal.
On Friday, President Obama chose Nike headquarters in Oregon to deliver a defense of his proposed Trans-Pacific Partnership.
It was an odd choice of venue.
Nike isn’t the solution to the problem of stagnant wages in America. Nike is the problem.
It’s true that over the past two years Nike has added 2,000 good-paying professional jobs at its Oregon headquarters, fulfilling the requirements of a controversial tax break it wrangled from the state legislature. That’s good for Nike’s new design, research and marketing employees.
Just before the President spoke, Nike announced that if the Trans-Pacific Partnership is enacted, Nike would “accelerate development of new advanced manufacturing methods and a domestic supply chain to support U.S. based manufacturing,” thereby creating as many as 10,000 more American jobs.
But that would still be only a tiny fraction of Nike’s global workforce. While Nike makes some shoe components in the United States, it hasn’t assembled shoes here since 1984.
Most of Nike’s products are made by 990,000 workers in low-wage countrieswhose abysmal working conditions have made Nike a symbol of global sweatshop labor.
In other words, Nike is a global corporation with no particular loyalty or connection to the United States. Its loyalty is to its global shareholders.
I’m not faulting Nike. Nike is only playing by the rules.
I’m faulting the rules.
In case you hadn’t noticed, America has a huge and growing problem of inequality. Most Americans are earning no more than the typical American earned thirty years ago, adjusted for inflation – even though the U.S. economy is almost twice as large as it was then.
Since then, almost all the economic gains have gone to the top.
The President is angry at Democrats who won’t support this trade deal.
He should be angry at Republicans who haven’t supported American workers. Their obduracy has worsened the potential impact of the deal.
Congressional Republicans have refused to raise the minimum wage (whose inflation-adjusted value is now almost 25 percent lower than it was in 1968), expand unemployment benefits, invest in job training, enlarge the Earned Income Tax Credit, improve the nation’s infrastructure, or expand access to public higher education.
They’ve embraced budget austerity that has slowed job and wage growth. And they’ve continued to push “trickle-down” economics – keeping tax rates low for America’s richest, protecting their tax loopholes, and fighting off any attempt to raise taxes on wealthy inheritances to their level before 2000.
Now they – and the President – want a huge trade agreement that protects corporate investors but will lead to even more off-shoring of low-skilled American jobs.
The Trans-Pacific Trade Partnership’s investor protections will make it safer for firms to relocate abroad – the Cato Institute describes such protections as “lowering the risk premium” on offshoring – thereby reducing corporate incentives to keep jobs in America and upgrade the skills of Americans.
Those same investor protections will allow global corporations to sue the United States or any other country that raises its health, safety, environmental, or labor standards, for any lost profits due to those standards.
But there’s nothing in the deal to protect the incomes of Americans.
We know that when Americans displaced from manufacturing jobs join the glut of Americans competing for jobs that can’t be replaced by lower-wage workers abroad – personal service jobs in retail, restaurant, hotel, hospital, child care, and elder care – all lower-skilled workers face downward pressure on wages.
Without a higher minimum wage, an expanded Earned Income Tax Credit, affordable higher education, and a world-class system of job retraining – financed by higher taxes on the wealthy winners in the American economy – most Americans will continue to experience stagnant or declining wages.
Instead, the Trans-Pacific Partnership – which includes twelve nations, including Vietnam, but would be open for every nation to join – would lock us into an expanded version of the very policies that have failed most American for the past twenty years.
No doubt Nike is supporting the TPP. It would allow Nike to import its Vietnamese and Malaysian-made goods more cheaply. But don’t expect those savings to translate into lower prices for American consumers. As it is, Nike spends less than $10 for every pair of $100-plus shoes it sells in the U.S.
Needless to say, the TPP wouldn’t require Nike to pay its Vietnamese workers more. Nikes’ workers are not paid enough to buy the shoes they make much less buy U.S. exported goods.
Nike may be the perfect example of life under TPP, but that is not a future many Americans would choose.
Dirty Little Family Secret: Elections in the US & UK Aren’t Fair
The United States government has followed in the UK’s footsteps in using "first past the post" system to get the political outcome it wants. This means the people’s vote does not matter and this type of dirty politics needs to stop.
Riddle: Name two English-speaking countries, both of which proudly claim to be world-beating models of representative democracy despite routinely distorting election results and undermining majority rule. If you’re thinking Australia and New Zealand, think again. If your thoughts immediately turned to Thursday’s national elections in the United Kingdom, you’re on the right track. If you didn’t also think about recent elections in the United States, you’re either a blinkered Republican or you’re not paying enough attention.
By now the sentient world knows about the UK election “shock”: Prime Minister David Cameron’s Conservatives won a clear majority of seats (331) in the 650-member Parliament. Labour, the other major party, won 99 fewer seats. Obviously, British voters overwhelmingly favored the Tories, right? Wrong. In fact, Cameron’s Conservatives got only 37 percent of the vote to 31 percent for Labour. Okay, the Tories got more votes. What sort of sorcery can turn a 37 percent plurality of the popular vote into a working majority in Parliament? Half of the simple answer: set up single-member districts. The other half: make the one who gets one more vote than anyone else the winner. It’s called a plurality and it’s a great way to disguise an aversion to majority rule.
It’s often called the “first past the post” system. The British invented it and guess who adopted it? Yup, we did. Historically in UK elections, one of the two major parties gets, say, 42-47 percent of the popular vote and wins over half the Parliamentary seats. In 1983 landslide, Margaret Thatcher’s Conservatives got 42.4 percent of the vote and won 397 seats, or 61 percent of the total. A decade ago, in 2005, Tony Blair’s New Labour magically turned a third of the popular votes (okay, 35 percent) into a comfortable majority in Parliament (355 seats).
But this election points to a changing political landscape in the UK. The Scottish National Party (SNP) won 56 seats in this election, while the Lib Dems, previously the Tories’ coalition partner, did a disappearing act – unless the single seat they won counts as a presence, that is. Here again, the system distorts representation by, in effect, nullifying votes on a massive scale: the Lib Dems polled 8 percent of the vote – only 1 percent less than the SNP.
Here on the other side of the Atlantic, we have no reason to chortle, much less gloat. In the 2014 US midterm elections, Republicans won 57 percent of the House seats with 52 percent the popular vote. That’s a serious enough insult to fair elections, but it’s nothing compared to 2012, when Democrats won 1.37 million more votes than Republicans but claimed only 201 House seats (46 percent). Meanwhile, 233 Republicans – a clear majority – cartwheeled merrily into Congress with 48 percent of the vote.
This distortion of majority rule and systematic, mass nullification of votes is not an accident. Rather, it’s the result of a flaw in the Constitution compounded by a long-term strategy on the part of both political parties to exploit that flaw in order to subvert the intent of the voters. The Constitution leaves it to the various states to draw the boundaries of voting districts; that’s not necessarily a bad thing except for the fact that there’s nothing to prevent state legislatures in many US states from egregiously abusing this power – no built-in safeguards against the odious practice of gerrymandering. In most states, the state legislature has the power to redraw the boundaries of voting districts; in a few states independent redistricting commissions do it. Seven states have only one representative, so it’s not an issue.
In Pennsylvania, for example, it’s a huge issue. Pennsylvania is a key state for historical reasons, as well as population and proximity to New York and Washington, D.C. In 2012 the election, Democratic candidates got more than half the votes in Pennsylvania but Republicans won three-fourths of the House seats. It happened again in 2014. It happens in many other states, as well. (Check out North Carolina, for example.) It’s the way we do elections in America now.
We could blame it all on the British if we hadn’t declared our independence 240 years ago and then fought a war to achieve it. Come to think of it, we’ve fought quite a few wars since then, including the Great War a century ago, the one Woodrow Wilson said we were fighting to make the world safe for democracy. Isn’t it about time we stopped talking about democracy and started practicing it?
Suspects in Freddie Gray Case: A Portrait of Baltimore Police in Miniature
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A police station in Baltimore’s Western District. The Freddie Gray case has highlighted the department’s struggles for change.CreditGabriella Demczuk for The New York Times
BALTIMORE — The first police officer Freddie Gray encountered on the morning he sustained a fatal spinal cord injury was Lt. Brian Rice, a seasoned 41-year-old white law enforcement officer who, several years earlier, had his guns confiscated by deputies who took him to a hospital after a worried ex-girlfriend expressed alarm about his well-being.
About 40 minutes later, when Mr. Gray, who was black, lay shackled in a police van and was no longer breathing, Sgt. Alicia White — a 30-year-old churchgoing black woman with a reputation as a rising star — tried to remove him. “She’s not even the type of person that would jaywalk,” one neighbor said.
In between, Mr. Gray was subdued and handcuffed by two rookie bicycle officers, each in his 20s, both white. A 25-year-old black patrolman arrived to check on him. The van driver, Officer Caesar Goodson, also black, is an old-timer at 45. Described by colleagues as “passive,” he never moved up the ranks.
In this mix of officers — who now face criminal charges in Mr. Gray’s death, including, for some, murder and manslaughter — one can see a portrait in miniature of the Baltimore Police Department, an agency mistrusted by many black residents, and one suffering from its own racial divide despite a decades-long effort to integrate. As the Justice Department begins a full-fledged civil rights investigation, the Gray case throws into sharp relief the department’s shortcomings and struggles for change.
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The Baltimore Police Department, mistrusted by many blacks, has tried to integrate.CreditGabriella Demczuk for The New York Times
“You can’t just label this something racial,” said Representative Elijah E. Cummings, a Democrat who lives just four blocks from West North and Pennsylvania Avenues, where a burned and looted CVS store stands as a symbol of the riots set off by Mr. Gray’s death on April 19. “When you have three African-American officers involved, you’ve got to say: ‘Wait a minute, is there a system in place in which they don’t want to tell on each other? Has it become a routine?’ ”
Over the past three decades, Baltimore’s roughly 3,000-member police force has undergone a slow, painful process of integration. In 1984, the year the city settled a lawsuit that forced the department to hire and promote more minorities and women, 19 percent of officers were black. By 2007, blacks were 44 percent of the force; the city’s population is nearly two-thirds black. The commissioner, Anthony W. Batts, is black, and African-Americans hold other high-ranking posts.
Despite that, tensions between black residents and the police run deep. Last week’s decision by Mayor Stephanie Rawlings-Blake to request a “pattern or practice” Justice Department inquiry — something she had long resisted, even as she pushed for changes — emphasizes that mistrust. Civil rights advocates say it is long overdue.
So do some black police officers. In 2004, Sgt. Louis Hopson, now the board chairman of the Vanguard Justice Society, the association that represents the city’s black officers, was the lead plaintiff in a federal lawsuit alleging that the department systematically disciplined black officers more harshly than whites. In 2009, the city settled the case, agreeing to pay $2.5 million to more than a dozen plaintiffs and to hire an outside consultant to monitor the internal discipline process for three years.
But the problems have persisted, some black officers say. In March, court records show, Baltimore settled another bias suit, brought by a former officer, Richelle Johnson, a black woman who complained that she was forced to retire and that the department was more accommodating to white officers who were injured and requested light duty than to blacks. The terms of the settlement have not been made public, and a lawyer for Ms. Johnson would not discuss it.
An Internal Divide
“There are two Baltimores, and there are two Baltimore City Police Departments,” said Sergeant Hopson, 63, a 35-year veteran. “This department is a very racist police department. The issues that you see manifesting themselves on the outside are the same problems we have been dealing with on the inside for years.”
The relentless drumbeat of criticism is depressing officer morale. Many police officers are furious with Ms. Rawlings-Blake, whom their union supported when she ran for mayor in 2011, for asking for the Justice Department review. They feel undermined as they work to maintain the peace in a city with a high homicide rate.
“Our police officers have a number of conflicting emotions, from anger and shock to sadness and depression,” said Sgt. Robert F. Cherry, a 21-year veteran and former president of the Baltimore chapter of the Fraternal Order of Police Lodge 3, in an interview. “It is a tough time to be a police officer.”
The union has stood firmly behind the six arrested in Mr. Gray’s death; Sergeant Cherry accused Marilyn J. Mosby, the prosecutor who filed the charges, of “political opportunism” and wondered aloud if she had “an exit strategy for grossly overcharging our six officers.” Sergeant Hopson said the Vanguard Justice Society was also planning a news conference for this week to show support for the three black officers.
Sergeant White, the lone woman among them, is an example of how the six officers reflect the two Baltimores, and the two Baltimore Police Departments. After joining the force in 2010, she caught the eye of Sergeant Hopson, who said he recruited her into a program he runs to prepare black officers to take tests required for promotions.
She became a sergeant this year, said Dana Neal, a nondenominational minister who said Sergeant White regarded her as an adopted aunt. “She is a Christian and wants to be a good role model for young black women,” Ms. Neal said, adding that Sergeant White hoped to “bridge the gap between the police and the neighborhoods.”
Sergeant White grew up in Baltimore and lives here; Sergeant Cherry said 35 percent of the force now lives in the city. But black residents have complained that too many officers live outside Baltimore and feel no attachment to it. Sergeant White has worked for the Police Athletic League, helping young people with homework, and her church, New Bethlehem Baptist Church, is in Sandtown-Winchester, the blighted neighborhood where Mr. Gray grew up and was arrested before his fatal injury.
Now, she faces charges of involuntary manslaughter, second-degree assault and misconduct in office; Ms. Mosby alleges Sergeant White “did nothing” to help Mr. Gray even though he was lying on the floor of the van and unresponsive.
The encounter that led to Mr. Gray’s death began around 8:40 a.m. on April 12, when the three white officers — Lieutenant Rice, Officer Edward Nero and Officer Garrett Miller — were patrolling the streets around the Gilmor Homes, a public housing development in West Baltimore. Lieutenant Rice spotted Mr. Gray, making eye contact with him, police have said, and Mr. Gray ran off.
Three years earlier, amid a dispute with his ex-girlfriend over custody of their child, Lieutenant Rice had been taken to a hospital by sheriff’s deputies in Carroll County, Md., who — apparently fearing he was unstable — confiscated his weapons and contacted his Baltimore police commanders, according to sheriff’s records and court filings. The documents were previously reported by The Guardian newspaperand The Associated Press.
In court papers, the ex-girlfriend’s husband, Andrew McAleer, a Baltimore firefighter, accused the lieutenant of a pattern of stalking and intimidation; at one point, he wrote that he feared he was “about to be killed by Brian Rice.” In January 2013, a judge granted Mr. McAleer a temporary “peace order” — a type of protective order — finding “reasonable grounds” that Lieutenant Rice had committed harassment and had trespassed. The order was rescinded a week later because of a lack of proof needed to make the protective order final, records show.
Baltimore police officials declined to comment on the court filings, or to say what, if any, medical treatment or disciplinary action Lieutenant Rice received. He now faces one count of involuntary manslaughter, two counts of second-degree assault, two counts of misconduct in office and one count of false imprisonment.
Officers’ Stories
The two bicycle officers who arrested Mr. Gray, Officers Miller, 26, and Nero, 29, have been on the force for just three years. Both face two counts of second-degree assault, two counts of misconduct in office and two counts of false imprisonment. The prosecutor asserts that Lieutenant Rice and the two officers failed to establish probable cause for Mr. Gray’s arrest and then, after placing him in handcuffs and leg shackles, did not secure him with a seatbelt in the police van, as required by police policy. The medical examiner has concluded that Mr. Gray’s fatal neck injury occurred in the van, according to a person with knowledge of the investigation.
All six officers have filed motions asserting that Ms. Mosby has multiple conflicts of interests in the case and asking that she be required to step aside or that all charges be dismissed.
In a brief interview outside his modest two-story beige brick home in the distant Baltimore suburb of Bel Air, Officer Nero declined to address the charges against him. Standing in his doorway, he said he and his family were going through a difficult time, and were getting by with “a lot” of support from relatives and friends and by concentrating on their young daughter.
Officer Nero’s neighbor Seth Ranneberger, a high school science teacher, said that on one of the rare occasions when the officer spoke of his work, he described being a Baltimore police officer as “one of those jobs — the doormat job — you do it and get no thanks for it.”
Officer William G. Porter, who arrived on the scene as backup when the van carrying Mr. Gray made the second of several stops — seemed to be coming to grips recently with just how tough his job was. Officer Porter grew up in North Baltimore, in a transition neighborhood of simple brick rowhouses, just one block away from Guilford, a neighborhood of stately single-family homes. One neighbor, Keysha Waters, 40, described how, as a teenager, the future officer smelled a fire that had started in her home and rushed inside to grab her children and hustle them out the door. When he dropped out of college and joined the police academy, he told Ms. Waters that he wanted to “make a difference.”
She and others described Officer Porter as quiet and respectful, but said he lately had seemed a bit worn down by his job. When Olivia Whitlock, a childhood friend, sent him a Facebook message in August saying another neighbor had seen him on the television news, he replied, “I’m surprised you don’t see me more often,” because there is so much crime in the tough Western District, where he worked.
Now Officer Porter faces charges including involuntary manslaughter and second degree assault. Ms. Mosby says that although Mr. Gray complained he “could not breathe” and twice asked for a medic, Officer Porter and Officer Goodson, the van driver, ignored the request.
Officer Goodson, whose neighbors in the Baltimore suburb of Catonsville describe him as friendly and kind, faces the most serious charge, second-degree depraved-heart murder — in effect, murder with callous indifference, or an intent to cause an injury that could lead to death. This has led to speculation in Baltimore that Officer Goodson, who faces other charges as well, was intentionally giving Mr. Gray a “rough ride,” meaning he intended to jostle him and cause serious injury — though Ms. Mosby has not used that term.
As Baltimore tries to make sense of what happened to Mr. Gray, and the Justice Department inquiry gets underway, some say city leaders are awakening to problems that black residents knew existed all along. Even Representative Cummings, who said he had asked for a “pattern or practice” review before Mayor Rawlings-Blake, said he had learned something about Baltimore’s police. Never before, he said, had he heard the term “nickel ride,” another term for “rough ride.”
On the wall of his home, Mr. Cummings said, he keeps pictures that ran in The Baltimore Sun of people who have been beaten by the police. “That,” he said, “seems to cry out for a deep dive.”
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WINTERSWIJK - Het Nederlandse Rode Kruis schiet de Voedselbank Oost-Achterhoek te hulp. De vraag naar voedsel is zo groot, dat er volgens het Rode Kruis sprake is van een noodsituatie.
De Voedselbank Oost-Achterhoek werkt in de gemeenten Aalten, Berkelland, Oost Gelre, Oude IJsselstreek en Winterswijk. In die gemeenten maken 400 huishoudens gebruik van de voedselbank.
Pallets
De lokale afdelingen van het Rode Kruis gaan de voedselbank helpen. Hoe dat vorm krijg, moet nog besproken worden.
"We kunnen pallets met rijst of broden leveren of logistiek hulp bieden door mensen een pakket te brengen die zelf niet naar de voedselbank kunnen komen. We geven geen geld. Dat doen we nooit", zegt Jack Zoutman van het Rode Kruis Winterswijk.