zaterdag 7 januari 2023

An Atlanticist frenzy to stifle Europe-Asia integration

 Eurasia’s Middle Corridor: An Atlanticist frenzy to stifle Europe-Asia integration

Geopolitical interests between the Anglo-American establishment and the Sino-Russian-led axis will clash over the Trans-Caspian International Transport Route.
By Matthew Ehret
January 02 2023
https://media.thecradle.co/wp-content/uploads/2023/01/Global-East.jpg
Photo Credit: The Cradle

On 12 December 2022, the United States Agency for 

International Development (USAID) hosted a 

conference on the future of Eurasia’s Middle 

Corridor, a transport and energy infrastructure 

development project that stretches from the 

resource-rich Caspian Sea to Europe.

At the meeting, leading Atlanticist officials paid 

particular attention to how to ‘frame’ this strategic 

global transportation hub developing outside of their 

control.

They emphasized that the nations standing most to 

gain by the inevitable growth of the Middle Corridor 

should not characterize themselves as an east-west 

“regional hub” connecting Europe to China, but 

rather as a standalone zone of wealth – independent 

of China, and supportive of a declining EU.

The value of the Middle Corridor has increased 

significantly in the past year due to two main factors. 

First, the Russian military intervention in Ukraine, 

and second, the urgency to “decarbonizing” those 

nations still trapped within the Atlanticist sphere of 

influence.

Map of the Middle Corridor (Photo Credit: The Cradle)
Map of the Middle Corridor (Photo Credit: The Cradle)

The Middle Corridor gets its name from China’s 

Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), which was launched 

in 2013. It consists of three corridors of development 

designed to promote trade and inter-civilizational 

commerce on an east-west basis. These corridors are 

the Northern Corridor, the Southern Corridor, and 

the Middle Corridor.

Map of BRI Corridors (Photo Credit: The Cradle)

The Three Arteries of the New Silk Road

The Northern Corridor: Currently the most 

developed and utilized of the 

three corridors, it consists of railways and 

pipelines that run from China to Kazakhstan, 

Russia, and Europe. Some Atlanticist geopoliticians 

would like to see this corridor shut 

down to further isolate ‘new enemy’ Russia’s 

transportation and commercial routes.

The Southern Corridor: Less developed but still 

important, this corridor involves the construction of 

continuous rail connections from China to Pakistan, 

Afghanistan, Iran, Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, and 

potentially Turkey, before reaching Europe through 

ports in Lebanon and Syria, and via land-based 

connections in Turkey.

This route has the potential to promote sustainable 

peace and reconstruction in West Asian nations, and 

could possibly be extended to integrate and 

industrialize the Persian Gulf states through 

large-scale high-speed railway projects like the 

2000 km Persian Gulf-Red Sea high-speed railway

and hasten development prospects in the strategic 

Horn of Africa.

The Middle Corridor: The most complicated but no 

less essential of these arteries is the Trans-Caspian 

International Transport Route (TITR), dubbed 

“the Middle Corridor” and features multimodal rail

and sea transit of goods from China to Europe via 

Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, Azerbaijan, Armenia, 

Georgia, and Turkey.

Although this path involves the shortest distance, 

complications and additional costs arise with the 

complex process of transitioning from land routes 

to sea routes via ports in the Caspian Sea.

In recent months, the nations along the Middle 

Corridor have worked to harmonize their interests 

and coordinate their efforts to tap, process, and move 

the energy resources in the Caspian Sea (which 

contains the fourth largest natural gas reserves in 

the world).

On 30 March 2022, a quadrilateral agreement was 

signed between Turkey, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, 

and Georgia to advance the construction of the 

Baku-Tbilisi-Kars railway system, the 

Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan pipeline, and the Trans 

Anatolian National Gas Pipeline (TANAP), which 

is already in operation. The TANAP is part of the 

larger Southern Gas Corridor, which involves seven 

countries and consists of 3500 km of pipelines worth 

$35 billion.

Gas pipelines from Russia and the South Caucasus 
to Europe, via Turkey (Photo Credit: The Cradle)

Some of the key projects within the Southern Gas 

Corridor include:

  1. The Shah Deniz 2 offshore gas and oil well 
  2. operations in the Caspian Sea, where Azerbaijan,
  3.  Iran, Turkmenistan, and Kazakhstan are 
  4. working towards finalizing a broader agreement 
  5. to resolve long-standing disputes.
  6. The expansion of natural gas processing plants 
  7. at the Sangachal Terminal in the Caspian Sea.
  8. The expansion of gas transmission networks in 
  9. Italy.
  10. The development of new connections into the 
  11. gas networks of southern and western Europe.
  12. Four major pipelines, including the South 
  13. Caucasus Pipeline (SCPX) involving Azerbaijan 
  14. and Georgia, the TANAP involving Turkey, the Trans 
  15. Adriatic Pipeline (TAP) involving Greece, Albania, 
  16. and Italy, and the Greece-Bulgaria Gas Interconnector.

The importance of the INSTC

In addition to these three east-west corridors, 

the much anticipated Russia-Azerbaijan-Armenia-Iran-India 

International North-South Transport Corridor 

(INSTC) has also seen significant growth in recent 

years, with an additional eastern extension now 

stretching from Russia to Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, 

Kyrgyzstan, Iran, and India.

Map of INSTC (Photo Credit: The Cradle)

Once goods from Russia reach Iran via either the 

western or eastern branches of the INSTC, they can 

be delivered to markets in India, South Asia, and 

East Africa through the Ports of Chabahar and 

Bandar Abbas on the Indian Ocean.

Contrary to the claims of some Atlantic 

Council-affiliated analysts, the east-west BRI 

corridors and the north-south INSTC are highly 

synergistic and united in a grand strategic outlook 

for broad Eurasian growth and integration in a 

post-zero sum game world order.

The “Green Belt Initiative” 

After US President Joe Biden’s inauguration in 

January 2020, a new concept called “Build Back 

Better” was introduced from the corridors of 

highly paid commercial agencies. The oft-repeated 

term was ambiguously defined, but it was embraced 

by technocratic leaders of Atlanticist states, 

including Canada’s Justin Trudeau, the UK’s Boris 

Johnson, and the EU’s Ursula von der Leyen. The 

concept was later rebranded as “Build Back Better 

for the World” (B3W).

Despite its warm and fuzzy image, the Global Green 

New Deal and B3W failed to gain traction due to a 

lack of concrete action plans or details on how to 

finance and demonstrate the viability of the grand 

vision.

In March 2021, Biden and Boris Johnson unveiled 

a new program called the “Green Belt Initiative,” 

which they described as a response to China’s 

Belt and Road Initiative. When asked for details on 

how to fund the $3 trillion in investments required 

to make the “green transition” to a world dependent 

on solar panels and windmills, no specifics were 

provided.

Once again, the concept was under defined, but the 

image presented was one of a green revolution 

expected to usher in a new era of “clean zero carbon 

infrastructure” led by utopian rules-based orderistas 

of the transatlantic west.

Within the framing of the B3W branding, “Global 

Green New Deal” was often celebrated as a warm 

and fuzzy concept which former Bank of England 

Governor Mark Carney heralded as a $130 trillion 

renaissance into a post-hydrocarbon age.

In September 2021, the EU’s Ursula von der Leyen 

announced the “Global Green Gateway” as Europe’s 

response to the BRI. However, this initiative faced 

criticism for ignoring the hundreds of thousands of 

engineers trained by China in Africa over the past 

decade, and for projecting the historic predatory 

lending practices of Europe onto China.

Von der Leyen stated: “We want to create links and 

not dependencies… It does not make sense for 

Europe to build roads between a Chinese-owned 

copper mine and a Chinese-owned harbor.”

Despite this, the Global Green Gateway failed 

to propose a viable lending mechanism or staff, 

and soon faded away, similar to the Build Back 

Better and Global Green New Deals before it.

On 26 June, 2022, the global situation had changed 

dramatically as Russia’s military intervention in 

Ukraine was already four months old and the erection

of a new Iron Curtain attempting to cut Europe off 

from both Russia and China was in full swing. 

Despite these developments, the demand for nations 

to access affordable and reliable energy and food 

had risen higher than ever.

In response, the White House released its newest 

rebranding of the B3W in the form of a G7-led 

program now titled “The Partnership for Global 

Infrastructure and Investment”.

This program promised $600 billion over five years 

to recipient nations in Africa, Southwest Asia, 

Latin America, East Asia, and Eastern Europe to 

build digital infrastructure, telecommunications, 

green energy, and soft infrastructure with a focus on 

gender equity.

The goal of this program was to provide poor 

nations with an alternative to China’s alleged 

predatory lending ambitions. However, few of the 

nations offered this “life raft” have shown much 

interest so far.


The Three Seas Initiative

In Eastern Europe, the Caucasus and Central Asia, 

the NATO-led Three Seas Initiative (3SI) was 

founded in 2014 as an ambitious effort to thwart the 

Middle Corridor. The 3SI includes 12 Eastern 

European states within the Black Sea-Adriatic Sea-Baltic Sea region.

While many of the dozens of highways, rail, and gas 

projects featured in the 3SI are objectively beneficial 

to participating nations and all of Eurasia, the fact 

is that those NATO and Atlantic Council operatives 

promoting the grand design are only doing so from 

an anti-Eurasian geopolitical agenda.

In June 2022, Ukraine was made a partner member 

of the 3SI group, and funds were set up to 

accumulate private capital to invest in this 

trillion-dollar investment scheme to integrate 

the energy and transportation corridors of the 

region as a hub for supplying Europe with energy 

while also building a wall to cut off the broader 

New Silk Road corridors.

During a 3SI Summit that month, the foreign 

ministers of Poland and Romania released a joint 

statement saying:

“The 3SI is part of our response to the need for

 

developing energy, transport, and digital infrastructure

 

that will be more climate-friendly, fully aligned

 

with the goals of the Paris Agreement and the

 

European Green Deal.”

While the 3SI is directed towards consolidating 

controls over the Eastern European EU member 

states (plus Ukraine), once again, very little 

information has been made public regarding how 

the various infrastructure projects will be funded.

The 3SI Fund, created in 2019 to gain support 

from the private sector (which is expected to provide 

the vast majority of financing for these green new 

deal projects), is still far from achieving even a 

fraction of its goals.

Building a “Green Barrier” to Actual Development


On 7 December, 2022, the World Bank released a 

report titled “Azerbaijan: Towards Green Growth” 

in which the authors stated that the:

“Global transition towards a low-emissions

 

economic model offers opportunities for

 

Azerbaijan to be globally and regionally

 

competitive. To make the best of it, Azerbaijan

 

needs to focus on decarbonizing and diversifying

 

the economy, bolstering innovation, and natural

 

and human capital development.”

From this Green New Deal agenda, Azerbaijan 

would certainly receive funding, but in doing so, 

it would be handicapped from developing its vast 

resources or playing a positive role in either the 

Middle Corridor or the INSTC.

Five days later, the World Bank agenda was 

re-emphasized by USAID at a conference 

co-sponsored with the Azerbaijan-US Chamber of 

Commerce, the White House, and the Embassy of 

Azerbaijan.

Sentiments of those wishing to cut Russia and China 

off the Middle Corridor hub could be heard in the 

words of Ian Rawlinson CCO at APM Terminals in 

Poti, Georgia who stated:

“It [Georgia] has always been considered as a

 

satellite region of Russia. However, the region is

 

very western centric. There are a lot of western companies

 

settled in Central Asia, and there is a strong drive for

 

western products… APM considers Central Asia as

 

the last container is able region, with the biggest potential

 

in terms of logistics. As it is landlocked, it is only

 

reachable by rail. Kazakhstan for example exports 60

 

million tonnes of cargo to Europe. Much of it is still

 

moving through Russia, but that can be changed to the

 

Middle Corridor. This is also true for eastbound cargo to

 

Kazakhstan.”

Efforts to intimidate, bribe, and threaten nations like 

Azerbaijan, Georgia, Kazakhstan, and Turkey into 

abandoning the concept of the Middle Corridor as a 

hub of China-led development are both 

self-destructive and absurd.

Ignoring the fact that the Middle Corridor would 

not exist if not for China’s leadership in the first 

place, these nations are being asked to see 

themselves as the end and starting point of a 

new pro-Atlanticist exclusive hub.

The leaders of the nations along the Middle 

Corridor have made it clear that they are happy 

to do business with Europe, but not at the expense 

of their relationships with either Russia or China.

Eurasian Integration Moves Forward 

On 20 December, Russia, Iran, Turkmenistan, and 

Kazakhstan released a joint statement offering all 

public and private interests across the globe a 20 

percent discount on all freight transit costs for 

goods moving along the eastern branch of the 

INSTC.

This discount would apply to all goods moving 

across the Middle Corridor (involving the 

Russia-Kazakhstan-China connection), as well as 

the eastern INSTC (involving Russia, Turkmenistan, 

Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, and China), and also the 

South-Eastern INSTC featuring Russia, Iran, 

West Asia, East Africa, India, and South Asia.

While many Atlanticists would love nothing more 

than to see Georgia pried out of the grip of Eurasian 

influence, it is clear that Tbilisi’s interests lie in the 

east.

Last week it was reported that trade between 

Georgia, Russia, China, and Turkey grew 

by 32 percent (from January to September) over the 

same period in 2021, and that Georgia also enjoys 

the benefits of having signed an important free trade 

agreement with the Commonwealth of Independent 

States (CIS), which includes Armenia, Azerbaijan, 

Belarus, Kazakhstan, Moldova, Russia, Tajikistan, 

Uzbekistan, and Turkey.


Meanwhile, Turkmenistan-Azerbaijan trade volumes 

have increased over 620 percent (from $48 million 

in 2021 to $305.5 million in 2022) with much more 

room for growth as the Caspian development 

continues to grow with flows of energy resources to 

both Europe and China increasing significantly.

If Europe wishes to survive the coming decades, 

leadership will have to emerge that shrugs off the 

imposing pressures of the Anglo-American 

establishment, which seeks to stop the potential 

Europe-Russian-Chinese economic cooperation at 

all costs, even if it means the willful murder of 

millions of European citizens under an artificial 

imposition of energy scarcity, food scarcity, and war.

Nations of Central Asia and Southwest Asia have 

felt the burn of transatlantic imperial grand strategy 

for far too long and increasingly have come to 

recognize which pathway to the future is befitting 

their true interests – that of Eurasian integration.


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