The Globalization of Hollow Politics
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Posted on Apr 23, 2012
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I went to
Lille in northern France a few days before the first round of the French
presidential election to attend a rally held by the socialist candidate
François Holland. It was a depressing experience. Thunderous music pulsated
through the ugly and poorly heated Zenith convention hall a few blocks from the
city center. The rhetoric was as empty and cliché-driven as an American
campaign event. Words like “destiny,” “progress” and “change” were thrown about
by Holland, who looks like an accountant and made oratorical flourishes and
frenetic arm gestures that seemed calculated to evoke the last socialist French
president, François Mitterrand. There was the singing of “La Marseillaise” when
it was over. There was a lot of red, white and blue, the colors of the French
flag. There was the final shout of “Vive la France.” I could, with a few
alterations, have been at a football rally in Amarillo, Texas. I had hoped for
a little more gravitas. But as the French cultural critic Guy Debord astutely
grasped, politics, even allegedly radical politics, has become a hollow
spectacle. Quel dommage.
The emptying
of content in political discourse in an age as precarious and volatile as ours
will have very dangerous consequences. The longer the political elite—whether
in Washington or Paris, whether socialist or right-wing, whether Democrat or
Republican—ignore the breakdown of globalization, refuse to respond rationally
to the climate crisis and continue to serve the iron tyranny of global finance,
the more it will shred the possibility of political consensus, erode the
effectiveness of our political institutions and empower right-wing extremists.
The discontent sweeping the planet is born out of the paralysis of traditional
political institutions.
The signs of
this mounting polarization were apparent in incomplete returns Sunday with the
far-right National Front, led by Marine Le Pen, winning a staggering vote of
roughly 20 percent. This will make the National Front the primary opposition
party in France if Holland wins, as expected, the presidency in the second
round May 6. Jean-Luc Mélenchon’s leftist coalition, the Front de Gauche, was
pulling a disappointing 11 percent of the vote. But at least France has a Mélenchon.
He was the sole candidate to attack the racist and nationalist diatribes of Le
Pen. Mélenchon called for a rolling back of austerity measures, preached the
politics “of love, of brotherhood, of poetry” and vowed to fight what he termed
the “parasitical vermin” who run global markets. His campaign rallies ended
with the singing of the leftist anthem “The Internationale.”
“Long live the
Republic, long live the working class, long live France!” he shouted before a
crowd of supporters Saturday night.
Every election
cycle, our self-identified left dutifully lines up like sheep to vote for the
corporate wolves who control the Democratic Party. It bleats the tired, false
mantra about Ralph Nader being responsible for the 2000 election of George W.
Bush and warns us that the corporate technocrat Mitt Romney is, in fact, an
extremist.
The
extremists, of course, are already in power. They have been in power for
several years. They write our legislation. They pick the candidates and fund
their campaigns. They dominate the courts. They effectively gut regulations and
environmental controls. They suck down billions in government subsidies. They
pay no taxes. They determine our energy policy. They loot the U.S. treasury.
They rigidly control public debate and information. They wage useless and
costly imperial wars for profit. They are behind the stripping away of our most
cherished civil liberties. They are implementing government programs to gouge
out any money left in the carcass of America. And they know that Romney or
Barack Obama, along with the Democratic and the Republican parties, will not
stop them.
The abrasive
Nicolas Sarkozy is France’s oilier version of Bush. Sarkozy, along with German
Chancellor Angela Merkel, has done the dirty work for bankers. He and Merkel
have shoved draconian austerity measures down the throats of Ireland, Portugal,
Greece, Spain and Italy. The governments of all these countries, not
surprisingly, have been deposed by an enraged electorate. And if the new
governments in these distressed European states continue to be
ineffectual—which is inevitable given the sacrifices demanded by the banks—the
instability will get worse.
Politicians
such as Obama—and, I fear, Holland—who carry out corporate agendas while
speaking in the language of populism become enemies of liberal democracies.
Labor unions, environmentalists, anti-war activists and civil libertarians,
blinded by the images and lies disseminated by public relations offices, stop
watching what these politicians do. They mute their criticism to give these
politicians, whose rhetoric is rarely matched by reality, a chance. The result
accelerates our disempowerment. It is also, more ominously, a discrediting of
traditional liberal democratic values. The longer the liberal class does not
vigorously denounce expanded oil drilling, our corporate health insurance bill
and the National Defense Authorization Act, simply because these initiatives
have been pushed through by the Democrats, the more marginal the left becomes.
If Bush had carried these policies, “liberal” pundits would have thundered with
feigned outrage. The hypocrisy of the American left is too blatant to ignore.
And it has effectively left us disempowered as a political force.
Voor
een lang interview met Chris Hedges zie mijn boek De Val van het Amerikaanse
Imperium: http://stanvanhoucke.blogspot.com/2012/03/de-val-van-het-amerikaanse-imperium.html
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