President George Bush en president en president Mikheil Saakashvili van Georgië.
De gang van zaken in Oekraïne en op de Krim doet meer en meer denken aan de manier waarop in 2008 Georgië als onafhankelijke staat ten onder is gegaan.
Henk Hofland. Mondiale krachtmeting. 12 maart 2014
'Onafhankelijke staat'? Was Georgië een 'onafhankelijke staat' toen de VS met alle macht probeerde het voormalig Oostblokland lid van de NAVO te maken in het kader van de militaire omsingeling van Rusland?
'DANGEROUS PLANS'; Russia To Target U.S. Interceptor Missiles In Georgia: Putin
Global Research, January 19, 2012
Voice of Russia, Russian Information Agency Novosti/Itar-Tass 19 January 2012
Region: Russia and FSU
Theme: US NATO War Agenda
Russia will target missiles at US AMBs in Georgia
The United States continues to decline Russian requests to come up with binding guarantees that no American of NATO missile defense installation based on European soil will compromise Russia’s deterrence capability.
The United States continues to decline Russian requests to come up with binding guarantees that no American of NATO missile defense installation based on European soil will compromise Russia’s deterrence capability.
Touching on this matter in his marathon media interview Wednesday, Prime Minister Putin called attention to dangerous plans to deploy American ABMs in Georgia.
He said Russia would try to sort out the matter in cooperation with the Georgian opposition and would also target missiles at any Georgian-based ABMs.
Enige achtergrond-informatie:
Georgia and North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) relations officially began in 1994 when Georgia joined the NATO-run Partnership for Peace. Georgia has moved quickly following the Rose Revolution in 2003 to seek closer ties and eventual membership with NATO. Georgia's powerful northern neighbor, Russia, has opposed the closer ties, including those expressed at the 2008 Bucharest summit where NATO members promised that Georgia would eventually join the organization. In the 7 December 2011 statement of the North Atlantic Council Georgia was designated as an 'aspirant country.' […]
Georgia's effort to join NATO began in 2005. NATO and Georgia both signed an agreement on the appointment of Partnership for Peace (PfP) liaison officer on February 14, 2005. The liaison office between them came into force then and was assigned to Georgia. On March 2, 2005, the agreement was signed on the provision of the host nation supporting and aiding transit of NATO forces and NATO personnel. On March 6–9, 2006, the IPAP implementation interim assessment team arrived in Tbilisi. On April 13, 2006, the discussion of the assessment report on implementation of the Individual Partnership Action Plan was held at NATO Headquarters, within 26+1 format.
Georgia is the furthest east of all countries currently considering new NATO partnerships. The geographical inclusion of Georgia in Eastern Europe is a controversial subject related to Georgia's desire to become part of NATO. Article 10 of the North Atlantic Treaty limits membership extension to European states.
Russia sees NATO's eastward expansion as a threat against their strategic interests in Europe and has accused the West of having double standards.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Georgia–NATO_relations
Bush, Saakashvili en zijn Nederlandse echtgenote Sandra Roelofs op de Bush ranch in Texas.
Georgië werd van 2004 tot 2013 geleid door regeringen van Mikheil Saakashvili:
Involved in national politics since 1995, he became president in January 2004 after President Eduard Shevardnadze resigned in the November 2003 bloodless 'Rose Revolution' led by Saakashvili and his political allies… He was re-elected in the Georgian presidential election on 5 January 2008. He is widely regarded as a pro-NATO and pro-West leader who spearheaded a series of political and economic reforms.
De economische hervormingen van de voormalige Sovjet-planeconomie kwamen neer op wat de Canadese journaliste Naomi Klein helder heeft beschreven in haar boek The Shock Doctrine: The Rise of Disaster Capitalism (2007), waarin zij
explodes the myth that the global free market triumphed democratically. Exposing the thinking, the money trail and the puppet strings behind the world-changing crises and wars of the last four decades, The Shock Doctrine is the gripping story of how America’s 'free market' policies have come to dominate the world -- through the exploitation of disaster-shocked people and countries.
Klein geeft talloze voorbeelden van de wijze waarop de neoliberale en neoconservatieve elite in grote delen van de wereld de macht heeft gegrepen door 'the use of public disorientation following collective shocks' om in de afgelopen vier decennia 'unpopular economic measures often called shock therapy' erdoor te drukken. Die 'shock therapy' is gebaseerd op de theorieën van de Amerikaanse econoom Milton Friedman van de zogeheten Chicago School of Economics. Naomi Klein:
In one of his most influential essays, Friedman articulated contemporary capitalism's core tactical nostrum, what I have come to understand as the shock doctrine. He observed that 'only crisis — actual or perceived — produces real change. When that crisis occurs, the actions that are taken depend on the ideas that are lying around. That, I believe, is our basic function: to develop alternatives to existing policies, to keep then alive and available until the politically impossible becomes politically inevitable.' […]
And once a crisis has struck, the University of Chicago professor was convinced that it was crucial to act swiftly, to impose rapid and irreversible change before the crisis-racked society slipped back into the 'tyranny of the status quo.' […] A variation on Machiavelli's advice that injuries should be inflicted 'all at once,' this proved to be one of Friedman's most lasting strategic legacies. […] He coined a phrase for this painful tactic: economic 'shock treatment.' In the decades since, whenever governments have imposed sweeping free-market programs, the all-at-once shock treatment, of 'shock therapy,' has been the method of choice.
Het eerste land waar Friedman's doctrine geforceerd werd toegepast was het Chili van dictator Pinochet, die dankzij een CIA-staatsgreep aan de macht was gekomen door de democratisch gekozen regering met geweld te verdrijven. Pinochet
also facilitated the adjustment with his own shock treatments; these were performed in the regime's many torture cells, inflicted on the writhing bodies of those deemed most likely to stand in the way of the capitalist transformation. Many in Latin America saw a direct connection between the economic shocks that impoverished millions and the epidemic of torture that punished hundreds of thousands of people who believed in a different kind of society. As the Uruguayan writer Eduardo Galeano asked, 'How can this inequality be maintained is not through jolts of electric shock?'
Hetzelfde proces was in Georgie te zien onder president Saakashvili. Tijdens verschillende reizen door Georgie vóór en tijdens zijn regime constateerde ik dat een aanzienlijk deel van de Georgische bevolking nog verder onder de armoedegrens zakte, en dat bijvoorbeeld de boerenbevolking werkloos raakte doordat gesubsidieerde landbouwproducten uit de Europese Unie tegen dumpprijzen in Georgië op de zogeheten 'vrije markt' verschenen. De radicale introductie van het neoliberalisme vergrootte ook daar de kloof tussen arm en rijk, hetgeen het verzet tegen de economische 'shock therapy' van president Saakashvili deed toenemen. Kortom, was dit Georgie daadwerkelijk een 'onafhankelijke staat,' zoals Hofland impliceert? Laat ik anderen de achtergrond schetsen van de president die bijna een decennialang over Georgië heerste.
During university, he served his shortened military service in 1989–1990 with the Soviet Border Troops' checkpoint unit in the Boryspil Airport in Ukraine. Saakashvili graduated from the Institute of International Relations (Department of International Law) of the Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv (Ukraine) in 1992. He briefly worked as a human rights officer for the interim State Council of Georgia following the overthrow of President Zviad Gamsakhurdia before receiving a fellowship from the United States State Department (via the Edmund S. Muskie Graduate Fellowship Program). He received an LL.M. from Columbia Law School in 1994 and took classes at The George Washington University Law School the following year….
The 2004 presidential election were carried out on 4 January 2004. The election was an outcome of the bloodless Rose Revolution and a consequent resignation of President Eduard Shevardnadze… On 4 January 2004 Mikheil Saakashvili won the presidential elections in Georgia with more than 96% of the votes cast, making him the youngest national president in Europe on a platform of opposing corruption and improving pay and pensions… Although he is strongly pro-Western and intends to seek Georgian membership of NATO and the European Union, he has also spoken of the importance of better relations with Russia. He faced major problems, however, particularly Georgia's difficult economic situation and the still unresolved question of separatism in the regions of Abkhazia and South Ossetia. Abkhazia regards itself as independent of Georgia and did not take part in the elections, while South Ossetia favours union with its northern counterpart in Russia…
In his foreign policy, Saakashvili maintains close ties with the U.S., as well as other NATO countries, and remains one of the key partners of the GUAM organization. The Saakashvili-led Rose Revolution has been described by the White House as one of the most powerful movements in the modern history that has inspired others to seek freedom…
According to the World Bank, Georgia is named as the number one economic reformer in the world and the country ranks 9th in terms of ease of doing business while most of the country's neighbors are ranked somewhere in the hundreds. Doing Business report founder Simeon Djankov has given Georgia as an example to other reformers during the annual Reformer Awards…
Saakashvili's administration doubled the number of its troops in Iraq, making Georgia one of the biggest supporters of Coalition Forces, and keeping its troops in Kosovo and Afghanistan to 'contribute to what it describes as global security.'
In August of the same year, Saakashvili, who holds an honorary doctorate from the University of Haifa, travelled to Israel to attend the opening of the official Week of Georgian-Jewish Friendship, held under the auspices of the Georgian President, for which the Jewish leaders were invited as honored guests…
a series of clashes between Georgian and South Ossetian, Russian military forces intervened on the side of the South Ossetian separatists in response to the Georgian attack on Tskhinvali and invading Shida Kartli, Gori. The two counterparts were led to a ceasefire agreement and a six-point peace plan, due to the French President's mediation. On 26 August the Russian president, Dmitry Medvedev, signed a decree recognizing Abkhazia and South Ossetia as independent states. On 26 August 2008, in response to Russia's recognition of Abkhazia and South Ossetia, Deputy Foreign Minister Grigol Vashadze announced that Georgia had broken diplomatic relations with Russia…
The pressure against Saakashvili intensified in 2009, when the opposition launched mass demonstrations against Saakashvili's rule. On 5 May 2009, Georgian police said large-scale disorders were planned in Georgia of which the failed army mutiny was part. According to the police, Saakashvili's assassination had also been plotted. Opposition figures dispute the claim of an attempted mutiny and instead say that troops refused an illegal order to use force against opposition demonstrators…
In September, 2012, during Saakashvili's presidency, a video taken inside Tbilisi prison Gldani #8 showing prisoners being beaten and sodomized was released to the public. Georgian Minister of Correction, Probation and Legal Assistance Khatuna Kalmakhelidze was forced to resign over the scandal. Human rights organizations including the U.N. Office for the High Commissioner for Human Rights issued a statement expressing outrage over the video…
On 2 October 2012, Saakashvili admitted defeat in Georgia's parliamentary election against Bidzina Ivanishvili in the election the day before. In December 2013, he accepted the position of lecturer and senior statesman at Tufts University in the United States…
In the 2010 study Competitive Authoritarianism: Hybrid Regimes After the Cold War, political scientists Steven Levitsky and Lucan A. Way cite various media and human rights reports to describe Saakashvili's Georgia as a 'competitive authoritarian' (i.e., a formally democratic but essentially non-democratic) state.
Mikheil Saakashvili met senator John McCain voor wie 'Russia is a gas station masquerading as a country.'
De feiten spreken voor zich. Begin jaren negentig, net nadat de Sovjet Unie uiteen was gevallen werd de ambitieuze Mikheil Saakashvili met zijn vlotte, jeugdige uitstraling door het Amerikaanse ministerie van Buitenlandse Zaken geselecteerd om in de VS een gedegen scholing te krijgen in de juridische aspecten van het neoliberale kapitalistische 'democratie.' Opnieuw zal ik anderen aan het woord laten over het resultaat van zijn Amerikaanse scholing:
Few leaders have been as polarizing as Mikheil Saakashvili, Georgia's outgoing president. To some, he is the hero of the 'Rose Revolution,' the man who stamped out corruption and raised the country's international profile. Others see him as an authoritarian leader who cracked down on dissent, persecuted his rivals, and thrust the small Caucasus country into a disastrous war with Russia. As Saakashvili prepares to step down after two presidential terms, Georgians remain deeply divided over his legacy. He is widely credited with sweeping away corruption and launching a raft of historic reforms aimed at transforming Georgia into a modern, Western-style nation.
His own democratic credentials, however, are in tatters, underscoring the paradoxes that have marked his decade-long tenure.
Thomas de Waal, a South Caucasus expert at the Carnegie Center in Washington, said that Saakashvili attempted 'a kind of modernization from above' that was done without engaging society.
'There was an idea that ''We are pushing through an enlightened, Westernizing, modernizing regime, and we are going to use all method available, including quite abusive methods, to achieve the end,''' he said. […]
poverty has only marginally receded, with close to a quarter of Georgia's population still living in poverty. At around 15 percent, unemployment also remains a major issue.
Critics also denounce a lack of transparency with regard to the wealth of top officials, including Saakashvili himself. They accuse the president of giving police a free hand in fighting corruption, allowing suspects to be severely mistreated…
Saakashvili is also under fire for stifling the media, even though his government decriminalized libel and pushed legislation safeguarding free speech.
But most of the criticism leveled against Saakashvili centers on the country's justice system, which remains woefully unreformed.
The vast majority of court cases end up in plea bargains, with only a fraction leading to acquittals.
Georgia's prison population has soared in the past decade amid accusations that he used the courts to punish his opponents.
The case of murdered banker Sandro Girgvliani, in particular, raised serious doubt in Georgia about Saakashvili's commitment to a strong, independent judiciary.
Girgvliani was stabbed and left to die on the outskirts of Tbilisi in January 2006 after reportedly getting into a dispute in a restaurant where a top Interior Ministry official was celebrating his birthday with friends and colleagues -- including the wife of then-Interior Minister Vano Merabishvili.
Four police officers were swiftly sentenced to prison for carrying out the attack, but critics alleged a massive government cover-up.
Saakashvili stood firmly by Merabishvili -- whom prosecutors now accuse of paying each of the four officers $100,000 to take the blame – and eventually pardoned the four sentenced police.
The Girgvliani affair alienated many of Saakashvili's supporters and marked a turning point in his presidency.
In November 2007, Saakashvili violently broke up antigovernment protests and declared a state of emergency that restricted public gatherings and broadcasts. The crackdown drew international condemnation…
The barrage of damaging revelations that have emerged in recent years -- including graphic videos that showed prisoners being raped by guards -- has further swelled the ranks of detractors, who believe Saakashvili betrayed the democratic ideals of the Rose Revolution.
De Waal said the list of grievances against Saakashvili is long.
'[These include] an extremely punitive and abusive criminal justice, law-and-order system, which ended up with the highest per capita prison population in Europe -- even higher than in Russia -- in which torture became absolutely routine,' de Waal said. 'Almost zero acquittal cases in criminal trials, mass surveillance, telephone tapping, and a lot of pressure put on businessmen, including intimidation, so they contribute to government projects.'
Saakashvili aan het eind van zijn presidentschap samen met Obama. Het lachen is de Georgiër enigszins vergaan.
Net als in Chili was ook onder het — door het Westen gesteunde — Saakashvili's regime 'martelen volstrekt routine' geworden, evenals 'mass surveillance, telephone tapping, and a lot of pressure put on businessmen, including intimidation, so they contribute to government projects.' Het is een onlosmakelijk onderdeel van de neoliberale 'shock-therapie,' om de simpele reden dat een dergelijk rigoureus beleid, dat miljoenen burgers in armoede en ellende stort, natuurlijk op grootscheeps verszet stuit, zo weet iedereen die zich hier verdiept. Er is hier geen sprake van democratie, bescherming van de mensenrechten en onafhankelijkheid, tenminste niet in de ware betekenis van het woord. Henk Hoflands bewering dat 'in 2008 Georgië als onafhankelijke staat ten onder is gegaan,' is een grove vertekening van de werkelijkheid, niet meer dan de typische mainstream propaganda van de officiële opiniemakers. In dit opzicht is Mikheil Saakashvili zelf, als moderne charismatisch lijkende politicus een stuk slimmer, zoals ondermeer blijkt uit het feit dat hij na zijn presidentschap snel naar de VS uitweek en in zijn afscheidsspeech tegenover de Verenigde Naties bekende dat:
in our rush to impose a new reality, against the background of internal and external threats, we have cut corners and certainly made mistakes, went sometimes too far and other times not far enough. I acknowledge fully my responsibility in all the shortcomings.
Saakashvili said he was aware that some of his reforms had come at 'a very high cost' and extended his sympathy to all those who felt wronged by his 'radical methods.'
The barrage of damaging revelations that have emerged in recent years -- including graphic videos that showed prisoners being raped by guards -- has further swelled the ranks of detractors, who believe Saakashvili betrayed the democratic ideals of the Rose Revolution.
H.J.A. Hofland daarentegen hanteert nog de ouderwetse Koude Oorlogsretoriek, en beseft niet dat de huidige tijd een nieuwe methode van marketing, branding en packaging kent. Later meer.
De gloriejaren toen de 'shock therapie' haar vruchten afwierp voor de neoliberale elite. Oekraïne is nu aan de beurt om de zegeningen van de neoliberale democratie over zich heen te krijgen.
The End of the Capitalist Era, and What Comes Next
01 April 14
he capitalist era is passing... not quickly, but inevitably. A new economic paradigm -- the Collaborative Commons -- is rising in its wake that will transform our way of life. We are already witnessing the emergence of a hybrid economy, part capitalist market and part Collaborative Commons. The two economic systems often work in tandem and sometimes compete. They are finding synergies along each other's perimeters, where they can add value to one another, while benefiting themselves. At other times, they are deeply adversarial, each attempting to absorb or replace the other.
Although the indicators of the great transformation to a new economic system are still soft and largely anecdotal, the Collaborative Commons is ascendant and, by 2050, it will likely settle in as the primary arbiter of economic life in most of the world. An increasingly streamlined and savvy capitalist system will continue to soldier on at the edges of the new economy, finding sufficient vulnerabilities to exploit, primarily as an aggregator of network services and solutions, allowing it to flourish as a powerful niche player in the new economic era, but it will no longer reign.
What's undermining the capitalist system is the dramatic success of the very operating assumptions that govern it. At the heart of capitalism there lies a contradiction in the driving mechanism that has propelled it ever upward to commanding heights, but now is speeding it to its death: the inherent dynamism of competitive markets that drives productivity up and marginal costs down, enabling businesses to reduce the price of their goods and services in order to win over consumers and market share. (Marginal cost is the cost of producing additional units of a good or service, if fixed costs are not counted.) While economists have always welcomed a reduction in marginal cost, they never anticipated the possibility of a technological revolution that might bring marginal costs to near zero, making goods and services priceless, nearly free, and abundant, and no longer subject to market forces.
The near zero marginal cost phenomenon has already wreaked havoc on the entertainment, communications, and publishing industries, as more and more information is being made available nearly free to billions of people. Today, more than forty percent of the human race is producing its own music, videos, news, and knowledge on relatively cheap cellphones and computers and sharing it at near zero marginal cost in a collaborative networked world. And now the zero marginal cost revolution is beginning to affect other commercial sectors, including renewable energy, 3D printing in manufacturing, and online higher education. There are already millions of "prosumers" -- consumers who have become their own producers -- generating their own green electricity at near zero marginal cost around the world. It's estimated that around 100,000 hobbyists are using open source software and recycled plastic feedstock to manufacture their own 3D printed goods at nearly zero marginal cost. Meanwhile, six million students are currently enrolled in free Massive Open Online Courses (MOOCs) that operate at near zero marginal cost and are taught by some of the most distinguished professors in the world, and receiving college credits.
The reluctance to come to grips with near zero marginal cost is understandable.
Many, though not all, of the old guard in the commercial arena can't imagine how economic life would proceed in a world where most goods and services are nearly free, profit is defunct, property is meaningless, and the market is superfluous. What then?
A powerful new technology platform is emerging with the potential of reducing marginal costs across large sectors of the capitalist economy, with far reaching implications for society in the first half of the 21st Century. The Communications Internet is converging with the fledgling Energy Internet and Logistics Internet in a seamless twenty-first-century intelligent infrastructure -- the Internet of Things (IoT). The IoT will connect every thing with everyone in an integrated global network. People, machines, natural resources, production lines, logistics networks, the electricity grid, consumption habits, recycling flows, and virtually every other aspect of economic and social life will be linked via sensors and software to the IoT platform, continually feeding Big Data to every node -- businesses, homes, vehicles -- moment to moment, in real time. Anyone will be able to access the IoT and use Big Data and analytics to develop predictive algorithms that can dramatically increase productivity and reduce the marginal cost of producing and delivering a full range of physical goods and services to near zero just like we now do with information goods. Lost in all of the excitement over the prospect of the Internet of Things is that connecting everyone and everything in a global network driven by extreme productivity moves us ever faster toward an era of nearly free goods and services and, with it, the shrinking of capitalism in the next half century. The question is what kind of economic system would we need to organize economic activity that is nearly free and shareable?
We are so used to thinking of the capitalist market and government as the only two means of organizing economic life that we overlook the other organizing model in our midst that we depend on daily to deliver a range of goods and services that neither market nor government provides. The Commons predates both the capitalist market and representative government and is the oldest form of institutionalized, self-managed activity in the world.
The contemporary Commons is where billions of people engage in the deeply social aspects of life. It is made up of literally millions of self-managed, mostly democratically run organizations, including educational institutions, healthcare organizations, charities, religious bodies, arts and cultural groups, amateur sports clubs, producer and consumer cooperatives, credit unions, advocacy groups, and a near endless list of other formal and informal institutions that generate the social capital of society.
Currently, the social Commons is growing faster than the market economy in many countries around the world. Still, because what the social Commons creates is largely of social value, not pecuniary value, it is often dismissed by economists. Nonetheless, the social economy is an impressive force. According to a survey of 40 nations, the nonprofit Commons accounts for $2.2 trillion in operating expenditures. In eight countries surveyed--including the United States, Canada, Japan, and France--the nonprofit sector makes up, on average, 5 percent of the GDP. In the US, Canada, and the UK, the nonprofit sector already exceeds 10% of the workforce. While the capitalist market is based on self-interest and driven by material gain, the social Commons is motivated by collaborative interests and driven by a deep desire to connect with others and share. If the former defends property rights, caveat emptor, and the search for autonomy, the latter promotes open-source innovation, transparency, and the search for community.
What makes the Commons more relevant today than at any other time in its long history is that we are now erecting a high-tech global technology platform whose defining characteristics potentially optimize the very values and operational principles that animate this age-old institution. The IoT is the technological "soul mate" of an emerging Collaborative Commons. The new infrastructure is configured to be distributed in nature in order to facilitate collaboration and the search for synergies, making it an ideal technological framework for advancing the social economy. The operating logic of the IoT is to optimize lateral peer production, universal access, and inclusion, the same sensibilities that are critical to the nurturing and creation of social capital in the civil society. The very purpose of the new technology platform is to encourage a sharing culture, which is what the Commons is all about. It is these design features of the IoT that bring the social Commons out of the shadows, giving it a high-tech platform to become the dominant economic paradigm of the twenty-first century.
The Collaborative Commons is already profoundly impacting economic life. Markets are beginning to give way to networks, ownership is becoming less important than access, and the traditional dream of rags to riches is being supplanted by a new dream of a sustainable quality of life.
Hundreds of millions of people are transferring bits and pieces of their economic life from capitalist markets to the global Collaborative Commons. Prosumers are not only producing and sharing their own information, entertainment, green energy and 3D-printed goods at near zero marginal cost and enrolling in massive open online college courses for nearly free, on the Collaborative Commons. They are also sharing cars, homes, clothes, tools, toys, and countless other items with one another via social media sites, rentals, redistribution clubs, and cooperatives, at low or near zero marginal cost. An increasing number of people are collaborating in "patient-driven" health-care networks to improve diagnoses and find new treatments and cures for diseases, again at near zero marginal cost. And young social entrepreneurs are establishing socially responsible businesses, crowdfunding new enterprises, and even creating alternative social currencies in the new economy. The result is that "exchange value" in the marketplace is increasingly being replaced by "shareable value" on the Collaborative Commons.
In the unfolding struggle between the exchange economy and the sharing economy, most economists argue that if everything were nearly free, there would be no incentive to innovate and bring new goods and services to the fore because inventors and entrepreneurs would have no way to recoup their up-front costs. Yet millions of prosumers are freely collaborating in social Commons, creating new IT and software, new forms of entertainment, new learning tools, new media outlets, new green energies, new 3D-printed manufactured products, new peer-to-peer health-research initiatives, and new nonprofit social entrepreneurial business ventures, using open-source legal agreements freed up from intellectual property restraints. 2014-03-31-FinalZMCSCoverArt.jpgThe upshot is a surge in creativity that is at least equal to the great innovative thrusts experienced by the capitalist market economy in the twentieth century.
While the capitalist market is not likely to disappear, it will no longer exclusively define the economic agenda for civilization. There will still be goods and services whose marginal costs are high enough to warrant their exchange in markets and sufficient profit to ensure a return on investment. But in a world in which more things are potentially nearly free and shareable, social capital is going to play a far more significant role than financial capital, and economic life is increasingly going to take place on a Collaborative Commons.
Mama, put my guns in the ground
I can't shoot them anymore.
That long black cloud is comin' down
Feels like I'm knockin' on heaven's door.
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