At
Breaking the Silence, we spent several years studying testimonies of
soldiers who served in previous Israeli campaigns in Gaza. Looking back
can help us see more clearly the choices we face today.
Israel’s past military campaigns in Gaza were conducted according to two main principles.
The first principle is sometimes referred to as ‘zero risk to our forces’.
It gives the highest priority to the safety of Israeli combatants. This
may sound reasonable enough, but the principle also maintains that the
soldiers should be made safer by transferring the risk to civilians in
Gaza, even if they are not involved in hostilities.
The second principle is known as ‘the Dahiya doctrine’,
named after a neighborhood in Beirut that was heavily bombed by Israel
in the 2006 Lebanon War. The Dahiya doctrine maintains that, in an
asymmetrical conflict against a non-state actor, a period of calm can be
achieved by causing disproportionate damage to military assets and
civilian infrastructure and properties. Such response would create
deterrence and turn the civilian population against the non-state
organization that operates from its territory.
These two principles — ‘zero risk’ and Dahiya - have shaped
every aspect of Israel’s military campaigns in Gaza since Operation Cast
Lead in 2008-9.
Consider a few examples:
On 21 October the Israeli army dropped leaflets on northern Gaza,
warning residents to leave immediately, declaring their lives at risk
and explicitly stating that “anyone who chooses not to leave from the
north of the [Gaza] Strip to south of Wadi Gaza may be determined an
accomplice in a terrorist organization”. Evacuation warnings such as
this one were also used in previous military campaigns in Gaza.
Civilians who resided in areas the ground forces were meant to invade
were ordered to leave their homes.
After the time allotted for evacuation, these areas suffered heavy
aerial and artillery fire, the purpose of which was often to “soften”
the area: to repel enemy combatants, to destroy structures that might
pose a threat to the ground forces, and to convey to civilians who have
failed to obey the evacuation order that they have no business being
there. As far as Israel was concerned, the warnings separated
civilians from combatants and “converted” civilian areas into
battlefields, where there is, supposedly, no need to restrain the use of
force.
Thus, the battlefield mentality allowed for more permissive rules of engagement.
In “converted” areas, where residents were warned to evacuate, the
soldiers’ orders were often not to take chances and to treat everyone as
a Hamas militant. Soldiers who served in past ground invasions report
being told: “Anyone who’s there, as far as the military is concerned is
sentenced to death” and “You shoot anything that moves”.
One soldier explained: “The perception is that anyone you see is a
terrorist.” And another said: “They told us: there aren’t supposed to be
any civilians. If you identify someone—you shoot them.”
These orders did not mean, and the soldiers did not understand them to
mean, that even people who are clearly harmless should be shot; they
meant that if there is any doubt that a person is harmless, the person
should be treated as hostile. The orders served to protect soldiers
against possible threats at the expense of innocent civilians who stayed
behind and were determined “accomplices to a terrorist organization,”
as the recent leaflets put it.
To fight Hamas inside urban areas, the presumption of innocence
which, in the past, guided urban warfare in the IDF, was turned on its
head. In Gaza, anyone who does not evacuate is guilty until proven
innocent.
Once the conceptual transformation of the villages and
neighborhoods into battlefields was completed, the Israeli forces
attacked as if fighting a conventional war. Combat engineers
and armed bulldozers cleared the path for the ground troops, destroying
anything in their way — roads, cars, apartment buildings, agricultural
lands.
Merkava tanks moved alongside infantry, constantly firing at anything
that seemed like a threat. A soldier describes the bulldozers and the
tanks operating in tandem: “[They] fired, destroyed, fired, destroyed,
and that’s how we moved… Houses at strategic locations that we were not
about to capture, dangerous things. […] They flattened everything.”
Soldiers say there was continuous fire, without break: machine gun fire,
mortar fire, M16, artillery, aerial fire. Anything was considered a
legitimate target: “You’re in Gaza, you shoot at everything”.
The intense fire was meant to shield the soldiers and the destruction
was meant to eliminate possible threats to them. Protecting the soldiers
was the highest priority. The devastation of whole neighborhoods was
both a byproduct of this protection and, at the same time, one of the
goals of the operation, according to the Dahiya doctrine.
Once inside, the forces were tasked with finding and incapacitating
Hamas combatants or, as in 2014, finding and demolishing tunnels used by
Hamas to invade Israel. Some of the houses the forces raided were
turned into temporary headquarters and dorms. When the ground forces
finally withdrew from the Gaza Strip, many of the houses in which the
soldiers stayed were blown up by military engineers while the
neighborhoods they occupied were bombed by the air-force. This was a
clear implementation of the Dahiya doctrine, which required destruction
of civilian areas independently of any risk to soldiers’ safety. One
soldier describes the retreat:
“An hour, or an hour and half before the start of the ceasefire, one
swoop after another, aircrafts came in and bombed all the houses that
were in some way associated with the enemy … House after house, bombs
falling and erasing each house. We were three or four hundred meters
away. Once we confirmed that everyone was out, airplanes went in and
took them down. The house descends into the ground. Erased. Turns into
dust.”
As these examples make clear, the principles that guided
Israel’s military operations in Gaza entail increased harm to civilians
and severe damage to civilian property and infrastructure.
Although past military campaigns did not deter Hamas from resuming
hostilities, Israel’s commitment to these principles did not weaken. On
the contrary, with each new round of violence, the two principles were
interpreted as permitting and recommending even greater use of force and
firepower. The lessons drawn from past conflicts were always
about the proper application of these principles, never about the
validity of the principles themselves. Experience teaches us only what
our assumptions allow us to see.
The horrific attack of 7 October made it abundantly clear that Israel’s defence requires a different approach.
We should question our assumptions: the lesson we should draw from past
conflicts is that force alone cannot afford us Israelis the security we
deserve. A political resolution that addresses the roots of the
conflict is the only way to defend Israel’s borders and citizens. We
must reach binding agreements that secure the rights, security, and
freedom of Israelis and Palestinians alike and the self-determination of
both people.
Nadav Weiman, Senior Director
Breaking the Silence
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