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zaterdag 8 juni 2013
Marguerite Yourcenar
The future of the world no longer disturbs me; I do not try still to calculate, with anguish, how long or how short a time the Roman peace will endure; I leave that to the Gods. Not that I have acquired more confidence in their justice, which is not our justice, or more faith in human wisdom; the contrary is true. Life is atrocious, we know. But precisely because I expect little of the human condition, man's periods of felicity, his partial progress, his efforts to begin over again and to continue, all seem to me like so many prodigies which nearly compensate for monstrous mass of ills and defeats, of indifference and error. Catastrophe and ruin will come; disorder will triumph, but order will too, from time to time. Peace will again establish itself between two periods and there regain the meaning which we have tried to give them. Not all our books will perish, nor our statues, if broken, lie unrepaired; other domes and pediments will rise from our domes and pediments; some few men will think and work and feel as we have done, and I venture to count upon such continuators, placed irregularly throughout the centuries, and upon this kind of intermittent immortality.
Marguerite Yourcenar
Tourism
'Wat het toerisme zoekt, vernietigt het.'
National Geographic, Juni 2013:
Wikipedia:
Als alleen de eigenlijke Himalaya wordt genomen, is de totale lengte rond de 2500 km. De breedte varieert tussen de 200 en 400 km.
De Himalaya bevat meer dan 40 bergtoppen boven de 7.000 meter hoogte en 9 toppen boven de 8.000 meter.
Daaronder is de hoogste berg ter wereld, de Mount Everest (8850 m hoog).
De Himalaya valt bestuurlijk onder de grootmachten India en China (Tibet) en de kleinere berglanden Nepal en Bhutan. He t uiterste westen van het gebergte tenslotte valt onder Pakistan. De Himalaya is het brongebied van enkele van de grootste rivieren van Azië, die honderden miljoenen mensen van drinkwater voorzien.
Wikipedia:
De Himalaya speelt daarom een belangrijke rol in de Indiase en Tibetaanse mythologie, religie en literatuur.
De naam Himalaya stamt uit het Sanskriet en is een samenvoeging van de woorden hima (sneeuw) en layas (woonplaats):
letterlijk: "woonplaats in de sneeuw".Het gebergte wordt door zowel hindoes als Tibetaanse boeddhisten beschouwd als de woonplaats van de belangrijkste goden.In de loop van de geschiedenis heeft de Himalaya naast miljoenen hindoeïstische en boeddhistische pelgrims
verschillende groepen bezoekers getrokken: Indiase vorsten die in de zomer het koelere bergklimaat opzochten,
westerse ontdekkingsreizigers en koloniale bestuurders,
en vanaf de 19e eeuw bergklimmers en toeristen, de laatsten vaak op zoek naar spirituele zingeving.
Het grootste deel van het toerisme zoekt elkaar op:
'Which one is Everest?!'
Bij 2500 km lengte zijn er nog steeds talloze andere, prachtige plekken.
Aan de andere kant van de Himalaya, bijvoorbeeld:
KASHBA
Ais Loupatty / Ton Lankreijer
Staalstraat 6
Open 11:00 tot 17:30 uur
1074 CH Amsterdam
020 - 6235564
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11:34 (5 minuten geleden)
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Begin doorgestuurd bericht:
Van: KASHBA Ais Loupatty / Ton Lankreijer <kashba@planet.nl>Datum: 8 juni 2013 10:16:46 GMT+02:00Aan: Ais Loupatty en Ton Lankreijer <kashba@planet.nl>Onderwerp: Mount Kailash'Wat het toerisme zoekt, vernietigt het.'National Geographic, Juni 2013:
Wikipedia:Als alleen de eigenlijke Himalaya wordt genomen, is de totale lengte rond de 2500 km. De breedte varieert tussen de 200 en 400 km.De Himalaya bevat meer dan 40 bergtoppen boven de 7.000 meter hoogte en 9 toppen boven de 8.000 meter.Daaronder is de hoogste berg ter wereld, de Mount Everest (8850 m hoog).De Himalaya valt bestuurlijk onder de grootmachten India en China (Tibet) en de kleinere berglanden Nepal en Bhutan. He t uiterste westen van het gebergte tenslotte valt onder Pakistan. De Himalaya is het brongebied van enkele van de grootste rivieren van Azië, die honderden miljoenen mensen van drinkwater voorzien.
Wikipedia:De Himalaya speelt daarom een belangrijke rol in de Indiase en Tibetaanse mythologie, religie en literatuur.De naam Himalaya stamt uit het Sanskriet en is een samenvoeging van de woorden hima (sneeuw) en layas (woonplaats):letterlijk: "woonplaats in de sneeuw".Het gebergte wordt door zowel hindoes als Tibetaanse boeddhisten beschouwd als de woonplaats van de belangrijkste goden.In de loop van de geschiedenis heeft de Himalaya naast miljoenen hindoeïstische en boeddhistische pelgrimsverschillende groepen bezoekers getrokken: Indiase vorsten die in de zomer het koelere bergklimaat opzochten,westerse ontdekkingsreizigers en koloniale bestuurders,en vanaf de 19e eeuw bergklimmers en toeristen, de laatsten vaak op zoek naar spirituele zingeving.Het grootste deel van het toerisme zoekt elkaar op:'Which one is Everest?!'Bij 2500 km lengte zijn er nog steeds talloze andere, prachtige plekken.Aan de andere kant van de Himalaya, bijvoorbeeld:
KASHBAAis Loupatty / Ton LankreijerStaalstraat 6Open 11:00 tot 17:30 uur1074 CH Amsterdam020 - 6235564
The Empire 921
'Bij Obama speelt het erg over het verdedigen van verworven rechten.'
'Het is beter voor Nederland en de internationale gemeenschap dat Obama de verkiezingen wint.'
Geert Mak. 2012
Nu de werkelijkheid:
NSA's Verizon surveillance: how the White House tramples our constitution
Senator Obama once showed great concern to safeguard US freedoms. But as president, he rides roughshod over liberty
Senator Rand Paul on the floor of the US Senate during his March 2013 filibuster. Photograph: AP
In December 2007, then-Senator Barack Obama joined then-Senator Chris Dodd in threatening to filibuster the Foreign IntelligenceSurveillance Act (Fisa). Senator Obama opposed provisions granting retroactive immunity to telecommunications companies that shared private client information with the government. His office released a statement:
"Granting such immunity undermines the constitutional protections Americans trust the Congress to protect. Senator Obama supports a filibuster of this bill …"
Senator Obama was right. Had I been in the Senate, I would've voted with him. I've even filibustered myself over civil liberties issues I believe are important.
Later, supporting an amendment that he believed repealed retroactive immunity from Fisa, Senator Obama said in February 2008:
"We can give our intelligence and law enforcement community the powers they need to track down and take out terrorists without undermining our commitment to the rule of law, or our basic rights and liberties."
Senator Obama in 2007 was rightly concerned that telecommunications companies might get away with sharing clients' private information without legal scrutiny. This week, we learned that the president's National Security Agency compelled Verizon to hand over all of its client data records.
Senator Obama in 2008 wanted to track potential terrorist activity "without undermining our commitment to the rule of law, or our basic rights and liberties". Today, President Obama undermines the rule of law, basic rights and core liberties – all in the name of tracking terrorists.
There is always a balance between security and liberty and the American tradition has long been to err on the side of liberty. America's founders feared a government powerful enough to commit unreasonable searches and seizures and crafted a constitution designed to protect citizens' privacy.
Under this administration, the Internal Revenue Service (IRS) has targeted political dissidents, the Department of Justice has seized reporters' phone records, and now we've learned the NSA seized an unlimited amount of Verizon's client data. Just when you think it can't get any worse under this president, it does. This is an all-out assault on the constitution. These actions are unacceptable under any president, Democrat or Republican.
I can remember well a Senator Obama who joined the Democratic chorus against the warrantless wiretapping of the Bush administration. Now, that chorus has gone mute. The Guardian's Glenn Greenwald hasnoted what he sees as "a defining attribute of the Obama legacy: the transformation of what was until recently a symbol of rightwing radicalism – warrantless eavesdropping – into meekly accepted bipartisan consensus."
Not every Republican or Democrat is part of that consensus. When the Senate rushed through a last-minute extension of the Fisa Amendments Act over the holidays late last year, Senator Mike Lee (Republican, Utah) and I offered an amendment requiring stronger protections on business records that would've prohibited precisely the kind of data-mining the Verizon case has revealed. Senator Ron Wyden (Democrat, Oregon) introduced an amendment to require estimates from intelligence agencies of how many Americans were being surveilled. Both these measures were voted down.
Just last month, I introduced the Fourth Amendment Preservation and Protection Act, which if enacted would've protected Americans from exactly the kind of abuses we've seen recently. It was also voted down.
On Thursday, I announced my Fourth Amendment Restoration Act of 2013, which ensures that no government agency can search the phone records of Americans without a warrant based on probable cause. We shall see how many join me in supporting a part of the Bill of Rights that everyone in Congress already took an oath to uphold.
If the president and Congress would simply obey the fourth amendment, this new shocking revelation that the government is now spying on citizens' phone data en masse would never have happened. That I have to keep reintroducing the fourth amendment – and that a majority of senators keep voting against it – is a good reflection of the arrogance that dominates Washington.
During my filibuster, I quoted Glenn Greenwald, who wrote:
"There is a theoretical framework being built that posits that the US government has unlimited power. When it comes to any kind of threats it perceives, it makes the judgment to take whatever action against them that it warrants without any constraints or limitations of any kind."
If the seizure and surveillance of Americans' phone records – across the board and with little to no discrimination – is now considered a legitimate security precaution, there is literally no protection of any kind guaranteed anymore to American citizens. In their actions, more outrageous and numerous by the day, this administration continues to treat the US constitution as a dead letter.
Senator Obama said of President Bush and Fisa in 2008:
"We must reaffirm that no one in this country is above the law."
No one in America should be above the law. Including this president.
The Empire 920
| News & Views | 06.07.13 Featured... The National Security Agency: Surveillance Giant with Eyes on America http://www.commondreams.org/ Headlines... NSA Taps in to Systems of Google, Facebook, Apple and others, Secret Files Reveal http://www.commondreams.org/ 'Reprehensible, Reckless, Illegal': Washington Officials Slam Heroic NSA Surveillance Leaker http://www.commondreams.org/ Anonymous Releases NSA Docs Related to Global Spy Network http://www.commondreams.org/ Deaf to Dissent, Turkey's Erdogan says Popular Uprising 'Must Stop' http://www.commondreams.org/ Win!: California's San Onofre Nuclear Plant to Close Permanently http://www.commondreams.org/ and more... | |
The Empire 919
Published on Friday, June 7, 2013 by The Guardian/UK
The National Security Agency: Surveillance Giant with Eyes on America
The NSA is the best hidden of all the US intelligence services – and its secrecy has deepened as its reach has expanded
by Glenn Greenwald, Julian Borger, and Ewan MacAskill
Of all the US intelligence services, it is has been the best hidden, and has prided itself on having the fewest leaks – at least until now. How many people does it employ? That is classified. Just how many people does it target? The NSA tells members of Congress that it does not have the tools to provide such figures.
When Harry Truman set up the NSA, it was exclusively aimed at monitoring communications abroad. The question that had exercised politicians and civil rights organisations since the Senate unveiled it in 1975 is to what extent its ferocious appetite for data has encompassed American citizens. General Lou Allen, the first NSA chief to appear in public, told Congress in the mid-1970s that the agency maintained lists of hundreds of names, including US citizens under surveillance for anti-war dissent or suspicious foreign connections.
As technology has evolved, so has the NSA's capacity to intercept an astonishing variety and volume of communications. Satellites scoop up calls and emails in the ether and beam the information back to earthbound receiving stations. One estimate suggests that each of these bases hoovers up roughly one billion emails, phone calls and other forms of correspondence every day, and the agency has up to 20 bases.
"This is not science fiction. It is happening now," a source with knowledge of the NSA said.
Domestic snooping exploded in scale after 9/11, when George W Bush authorised the agency to eavesdrop on Americans without the previous requirement for warrants. Within a few months of taking office in 2009, the Obama administration's Justice Department conceded that the agency had been guilty of "over-collection" of domestic communications but claimed the excess had been accidental.
With every passing administration, the NSA has ballooned. One well-informed estimate of its staffing levels is 100,000, of whom about 30,000 are military and the rest private contractors. Its headquarters is a vast edifice of smoked glass in Fort Meade, in the leafy Washington suburbs, with sizeable complexes in Georgia and Texas and overseas bases in Japan, Germany and the UK.
While the NSA is by far the biggest surveillance agency in the world, it shares some of its work with four other allies: Britain, Australia, New Zealand and Canada. Collectively, they are known as the "five eyes". Of the five, the biggest after the NSA is Britain's General Communications Headquarters (GCHQ).
The predecessor to the NSA was the short-lived Armed Forces Security Agency, which was set up in 1949. It was a relatively modest body compared with the mammoth the NSA has since become.
The young agency suffered some early embarrassments. In 1960, two of its staff defected to the Soviet Union. Three years later, a former NSA employee published code-breaking secrets in the Soviet paper Izvestia; the same year, an NSA employee killed himself while being investigated for selling secrets to Moscow.
Since then, internal security has been tightened significantly, but as the agency's secrecy deepened, its reach expanded relatively unchecked. It was a Democratic senator and lawyer, Frank Church, who in 1975 first raised the alarm at the agency's sprawling tentacles. During a series of hearings into the work of the intelligence agencies, he warned that the NSA's magnifying glass could be turned inwards on the American people.
"I don't want to see this country ever go across the bridge," he said. "I know the capacity that is there to make tyranny total in America, and we must see to it that this agency and all agencies that possess this technology operate within the law and under proper supervision, so that we never cross over that abyss. That is the abyss from which there is no return."
The Church Senate hearings led to the 1978 Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (Fisa), which required a warrant to conduct surveillance of communications within the US. A Fisa court, made up of a small group of judges appointed by the chief justice and located inside in the justice department, was given the job of deciding whether to grant warrants – it approves almost all requests.
In the years since 9/11, as the role of the NSA has snowballed, so has the debate over its operations. In 2005, the New York Times reported that the Bush administration had secretly authorised the NSA to eavesdrop on Americans and others inside the US, to search for terrorist activity without the Fisa court warrants. The order had been signed in 2002, but the newspaper cited about a dozen serving or former officials who expressed concern about the legality. The Times delayed publication of the article for a year because of government concerns about its impact.
In the face of the subsequent uproar, the Bush administration said it had ceased the warrantless surveillance in January 2007 and resumed the practice of requiring NSA warrants. In 2008, Congress loosened some of those constraints in the Fisa Amendment Act.
The massive surveillance programme has continued under the Obama administration, at home as well as abroad. And the culture of intense secrecy persists. For years, Senators Ron Wyden and Mark Udall have been demanding to know just how many people inside the US have been spied on by the NSA. No answer has been forthcoming.
© 2013 Guardian News and Media Limited
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