Zoeken in deze blog šŸ”ŽšŸ”Ž

vrijdag 30 november 2007

Rich Wiles


De Britse fotograaf Rich Wiles stuurde me deze email:
'Behind the Wall – ‘Family’

Jameela looked radiant in orange and blue, a beautiful denim dress with a sewn in orange shirt finished off with a huge bow at the front. Her brown leather shoes also carried a bow which stood out from the fold-down lace of her tiny white socks. At one side of her head a red and yellow bobble secured a bunch firmly in place. Raghda had chosen leopard print trousers and matching long sleeved shirt on top of which she wore a black t-shirt emblazoned with the words ‘High Rock Girl’. Over her shoulder hung a small matching leopard print handbag and as always her huge sparkling brown eyes and glistening smile lit up any room in which she stood like a beacon of light. Jameela’s smile was equally heartwarming as we all walked down the street hand in hand. It was clear from the throngs of smartly dressed people out in the streets that everyone had made a similar effort to don their finest wares. But it was a special day, it was Eid Al-fiter, the festival that marked the end of the holy month of Ramadan.

Jameela is three years old. Raghda is one of Jameela’s four older sisters and about eight. As we walked through the narrow streets of Balata camp together in the sun, slowly so as to account for Jameela’s little strides, Raghda told me proudly that she had shekels in her bag today. Adults give children gifts of money, often a shekel, to children for the festival and Raghda was excited that she had her own little supply today. She asked me where I wanted to go but I didn’t really mind, I was just happy spending time with them. She wanted to show me the little park that was open with four swings and a miniature and ancient looking creaky Ferris wheel of sorts that went little more than two metres high at its uppermost point. The girls went on the swings together and posed for some photographs, smiling as always. Raghda wanted to go on the wheel, she wanted me to see her at the top. I tried to pay the shekel for the ride but she refused immediately. As the wheel turned two young faces beamed down at me and then disappeared again as it rotated, before bouncing back as full of life and hope as ever. Raghda waved and clapped every time she saw me, whilst Jameela just grinned and gripped the rusty metal bar of their little carriage as though she was riding a Disneyland rollercoaster… but then maybe that’s what so many lives have become now.

We left the tiny fenced-in sandpit that was providing so much fun for the camp’s children and walked down to the lower end of the camp which backs onto fields before running away towards Nablus’ hills. Jameela chattered away to anyone who was listening, and Raghda and I communicated as best we could with my broken Arabic. Children looked quizzically at us as we walked, some knew Raghda and asked about her family, others looked at me, and then at the girls, before nodding at me:

“Ajnebi?” (“Foreigner?”)

Before I could answer Raghda would always interject:

“La hoo falasteeny, hoo ahoy!” (No he’s Palestinian, he’s my brother!”)

As she said it she looked up at me proudly, squeezed my hand, and smiled. Every time we neared one of the many small grocery stores around the streets of Balata Camp Raghda would stop and turn to face me:

“Rich Shu bidak? Shu bidak Rich? Chocolata, cola…?” (“Rich what do you want? What do you want Rich? Chocolate, cola...?”)

I would politely refuse and offer to buy the girls a drink but my little guide would not allow it. Every time I did this she seemed disappointed and, frustrated, would put her little collection of shekels back in her miniature cat-print handbag. After this was repeated two or three times my stupid stubbornness, or pride, or whatever was telling me to refuse, crumbled. Raghda’s face lit up as I accepted her offer of a cold drink and then she meticulously picked through a cool box full of soft drinks in a cramped little grocery store looking for the coldest. I bought a couple of small chocolate cakes and we stood together in the shade of alleyways no more than a metre wide enjoying our treats. Jameela ended up wearing more of the chocolate cake than she ate, but she was happy nevertheless. Raghda was even happier once I had accepted her offer of a drink. It was a rare day for her to walk around the camp dressed-up with a couple of shekels in her pocket, much as it was for any child in Balata, and all she wanted was to share her treat with me.

Balata has become like a second home to me in Palestine over the last few years and much of that is down to the family with whom I have had the honour of staying in the camp over this time. The girls are two of seven siblings in the family, all of whom have become like brothers and sisters to me. Jameela was very young when I first stayed with them and it took us a while to get to know each other, now she happily runs me in circles playing hide-and-seek, I love to spend time with her as I do with all the family. There were only six of Abu Abud’s sons and daughters in the house when I first began staying there as one of the two sons, Abud, was in prison like so many others from Balata. He was 15 when he was imprisoned. So when Jameela was born she didn’t know her brother, she couldn’t see him. She never saw him in person until he was released from prison a year or so later. When I first met Abud he had been released only a month or two earlier, I had seen many photos of him and it was good to see the family back together, but I could also see how confusing it was for Jameela, she just didn’t know him. Things are different now, and their relationship is just as loving and affectionate as all the others in this tightly-knit family unit as Jameela has grown to know her brother.

A few days before the Eid Festival we were all sat together in the family living room. We had just finished watching ‘Bab Al Hara’ – the Syrian TV series that captivated people across Palestine with its nightly tales of resistance to occupation, albeit Syrian resistance to French occupation rather than that modern day colonialist enterprise which dominates life in Palestine. The family have been no different to most others in Palestine in their nightly choice of viewing this year. Raghda and I had been playing ‘noughts-and-crosses’. The phone rang, it was the girls’ uncle. Abu Abud chatted away eagerly as he does on many nights to his brother. Then Jameela came to speak to her uncle on the phone. Her father held the phone so she could talk but instead she began to sing ‘Shater, Shater’, Nancy Ajram’s pop song which has been the hit of the summer in Palestine. She clapped and sang away down the phone, smiling as ever as we all laughed. As she sang it struck me that here was another family relationship she was trying to build with a relative that she had never met. She knows her uncle’s face from the huge prison portrait that hangs behind the television in the living room, but she has never met him though she talks and sings to him regularly down the phone. Jameela will be a few years older yet before she finally gets to meet her uncle, if he is released from prison on time. This is how children are forced to grow-up in Palestine, building relationships with family members through photographs and, if they are ‘lucky’, telephones. Thousands and thousands of children are living like this, separated from their relatives because of prisons or bullets, and soon Jameela would have a new little brother or sister as her mother was heavily pregnant, another child who would be forced to grow-up separated from her nearest and dearest.

I share a room with Abud when I stay in Balata. Many nights we have sat up until all hours in his room, sometimes because of the deafening barrage of IOF automatic gunfire and explosions bouncing off the walls in the camp, other times just talking, more often than not a disturbing combination of the two. We have often talked about his arrest and time in prison. He has shown me his old photograph albums of the friends he grew up with. As he flicks through the pages he comments on the young boys in the photographs, his childhood friends:

“Fi sission, fi sission, mayiet, fi sission, mayiet…” (“In prison, in prison, dead, in prison, dead…”)

Other nights he has shown me his collection of prison letters and drawings. He still keeps his little notepads in which he drew whilst locked-up. Most of the images are in ink, sketches of hands wrapped in barbed wire, a map of Palestine bleeding, Che Guevara, a Palestinian flag. Occasionally odd pieces of text, usually just single words, float somewhere on the page. One reoccurring word is ‘hop’ (‘love’), another is ‘huriya’ (‘freedom’). Abud would often laugh when he saw ‘hop’:

“Ay hop? Wein el hop? Wein mumkin inlaqi el hop fi sission?” (“What love? Where is the love? Where do we find love in prison???”

One night he gave me a small bracelet that he made in prison in the colours of the national flag, and a ring to go with it. I didn’t want to accept something that I thought would be so personal, but he insisted, and often checked that I wore it. He would also ask me about life in Europe, about how it felt to travel, to live without Occupation, checkpoints, and martyrs. Abud can only dream about living with such basic rights, he cannot leave Nablus, he is not allowed through the IOF checkpoints which surround the city.
By mid-November, Abud, Jamela, Raghda, and all the rest of the family were eagerly awaiting the birth of their new family member. The time finally came and Abu and Um Abud left Balata in the direction of the hospital. Everybody was very excited. The birth went well and around 8pm the two proud parents returned to the camp cradling a new baby daughter called Tasbeeh, which means ‘always thank God’. She was a beautiful ray of hope for everyone. But Tasbeeh would come to learn in the first few hours of her life about the world that she had been born into…

Around six hours after mother and baby had arrived back in Balata Camp their house was surrounded by dozens of IOF soldiers. Tasbeeh had not even enjoyed one nights sleep with her family when her peace was shattered as sound bombs exploded and the butts of M-16’s pounded on their metal front door. As Abu Abud opened the front door just after 2am more sound bombs were thrown in to the house. Tasbeeh was crying amongst all the explosions as the IOF barged in and began questioning Abu Abud. Then, amongst the explosions somebody went quiet. Tasbeeh stopped crying:

“…my wife ran to her. Her mouth was filled with blood. My wife turned her over and tried to help her to breath, she was massaging her back and chest and trying to get the blood from her mouth…”

After a few seconds Tasbeeh’s little chest began to move again. She was still in the first few hours of her life when she had this, her first encounter with the IOF, and it nearly killed her.

Abud and his brother were forced outside into the dark night. There, they were made to stand against the front walls of the house whilst the IOF smashed their way through their property. When the IOF left Abu Abud’s house they left behind destruction and devastation, and they left an imprint on a child’s mind in the first day of her life that will stay with her until the last. But in their actions the IOF also guaranteed that another little member of this family must now grow-up separated from her brother, much as Jameela had to in her earliest years. When the IOF smashed their way into the house they were carrying their usual array of lethal munitions, when they left they took with them part of the family. They arrested Abud again, he is now 18 years old.

Abud had been eagerly awaiting the birth of his new sister much like all the family, but now he is gone, and she will have to grow-up without her big brother. Abu and Um Abud were still very worried about Tasbeeh. Later when Um Abud went to check on her new daughter she found blood coming from one of Tasbeeh’s ears, they immediately rushed back to the hospital fearing some kind of injury from the explosions. Tasbeeh had blood cleaned from inside her lungs by dedicated doctors in a Nablus hospital. The doctors also fear that Tasbeeh has lost one of her eardrums because of the explosions, but said they would prefer to wait until she is a few months older before beginning to run further tests.

When I heard the news about Abud and Tasbeeh I felt sick, it was a day that had started with so much family anticipation and excitement. I thought about how less than a month earlier we had all enjoyed Ramadan and Eid together. How we had talked about the birth of a new child. I remembered how when I was hospitalised after being involved in a car crash in October Abud was the first person that I rang, and how his family came to collect me from the hospital and took me home to care for me. I remembered Jameela’s phone call to her uncle in prison, and her first years without Abud, and thought about how the whole cycle was now being repeated. I thought about one dark night in Balata Camp that began with a beautiful new arrival and ended with a sickening departure. About a new life that began and almost ended amongst the explosions, bleeding, and separation, of its first night in this world. About a new baby who may or may not have had the chance to lay eyes on her big brother before he was dragged away for a length of time dictated by no law other than that of his occupiers. I thought about guns and sound bombs, about telephones and photographs.

And I thought about family…'

Het Israelisch Expansionisme 62


Sonja wees me op het volgende bericht waaruit duidelijk wordt dat een van de bouwers van de Apartheidsmuur nu eindelijk toegeeft dat hij Apartheid vreest:
'Olmert vreest apartheidsstrijd
Reuters, AP

JERUZALEM - Het mislukken van onderhandelingen over het creƫren van een Palestijnse staat zou een bedreiging zijn voor het voortbestaan van de staat Israƫl. De Israƫlische premier Ehud Olmert zegt dat in een interview donderdag in de krant Haaretz.
Indien er geen tweestatenoplossing komt, aldus Olmert, kan IsraĆ«l in een apartheidsstrijd terechtkomen als die destijds in Zuid-Afrika, waarbij de Palestijnen in de bezette gebieden stemrecht gaan eisen. ‘Zodra dat gebeurt, is het afgelopen met de staat IsraĆ«l’, zegt hij.
Als IsraĆ«l de Palestijnen opneemt zonder hen dezelfde rechten te geven als de Joden, zullen invloedrijke Joodse organisaties in de VS ‘de eersten zijn die tegen ons in het geweer komen’.
Israƫlische politici hebben vergelijkingen tussen het Zuid-Afrikaanse apartheidsbewind en Israƫls behandeling van de Palestijnen tot nu altijd fel van de hand gewezen.'

donderdag 29 november 2007

Tekenaars



Twee tekeningen, de bovenste van de beeldend kunstenaar Bouke Ylstra, de andere van de politiek tekenaar Joep Bertrams. Beide vertellen ons iets. Met slechts enkele streepjes vertelt Ylstra ons iets raadselachtigs. Het is niet wat hij afbeeldt, maar wat hij weglaat. Het haalt ons even uit ons evenwicht. Het dwingt ons om erover na te denken wat de kunstenaar bedoelt. Hij verwijst naar iets, iets heel ouds, misschien wel naar iets dat bestond lang voordat we geboren werden, iets dat altijd heeft bestaan en er ook zal zijn als we er niet meer zijn. Over enkele generaties zullen mensen ernaar kijken en zich afvragen waarom ze geboeid naar die tekening kijken. Wat bedoelt de maker? Misschien wel niets, misschien ook wel. Het antwoord bezit de kijker zelf. Hij of zij geeft dankzij de kunstenaar betekenis aan de afbeelding. Het blijft een mysterie.
Nu de politieke tekening van Joep Bertrams. Die bezit geen raadsel, stelt geen vraag, maar blert een antwoord de wereld in, de boodschap is bot en kwaadaardig. Het laat de beschouwer niet nadenken, doet geen aanspraak op zijn verbeeldingskracht, maar dwingt hem een mening op. De tekening is een bewering, ze vernietigt een dialoog met de ander en met onszelf. Het geeft Hamas de schuld van het straks mislukken van de besprekingen in Annapolis. Niet Israel is de schuld, niet het door ons gesteunde land dat weigert de illegale nederzettingen in bezet en gestolen gebied te ontruimen, en dat weigert in strijd met het internationaal recht de in 1948 en 1967 etnisch gezuiverde Palestijnen te laten terugkeren naar hun huizen. Nee, Hamas, die na democratische verkiezingen tot de grootste partij werd gekozen, maar niet werd uitgenodigd, is het grote kwaad want het zal de slotverklaring in brand steken. Die boodschap is vilein, ordinaire propaganda. Deze tekening doet me denken aan de tekeningen van die andere platte politiek tekenaar Fritz Behrendt. Behrendt tekende Arafat altijd als een jood, zoals die in Der Sturmer van de nazi Julius Steicher werd afgebeeld, kromme neus, dikke lippen, gluiperige ogen en ongeschoren. Het verschil tussen een goede en slechte tekenaar is dat de laatste stereotypen gebruikt om te stigmatiseren, 1 dimensionale beelden oproept, propaganda bedrijft voor de een of andere ideologie door groepen te criminaliseren, door de ene altijd af te beelden als de goede en de ander als de kwade.
P.S. Het tekenboek van Bouke IJlstra Dagboeken 2001/07 is voor 17,95 euro te koop bij de boekhandel.

De Israelische Terreur 279

'International Day of Solidarity with the Palestinian People
29 November

In 1977, the General Assembly called for the annual observance of 29 November as the International Day of Solidarity with the Palestinian People (resolution 32/40 B). On that day, in 1947, the Assembly adopted the resolution on the partition of Palestine (resolution 181 (II)).
In resolution 60/37 of 1 December 2005, the Assembly requested the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People and the Division for Palestinian Rights, as part of the observance of the International Day of Solidarity with the Palestinian People on 29 November, to continue to organize an annual exhibit on Palestinian rights or a cultural event in cooperation with the Permanent Observer Mission of Palestine to the UN. It also encouraged Member States to continue to give the widest support and publicity to the observance of the Day of Solidarity.
Links to UN and UN System sites:
United Nations
Question of Palestine and the UN
The Middle East
Division for Palestinian Rights
International Day of Solidarity with the Palestinian People
Question of Palestine
Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People
Global Issues on the UN Agenda: Question of Palestine
Office of the UN Special Coordinator for the Middle East Peace Process (UNSCO)
UN Information System on the Question of Palestine (UNISPAL)
Palestinan women
Situation of and assistance to Palestinian women : report of the Secretary-General (E/CN.6/2007/4)
Commission on the Status of Women
UN International Conference of Civil Society in Support of the Palestinian People, Geneva, 7-8 Sept. 2006
United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East
UNRWA
United Nations Development Programme
Programme of Assistance to the Palestinian People
Unesco
Programme of Assistance to the Palestinian People (PAPP)
World Bank Group
West Bank and Gaza
Country Brief
ADDITIONAL RESOURCES:
The additional resources links on this page are provided for information purposes only and do not necessarily represent an endorsement by the United Nations.
Applied Research Institute Jerusalem (ARIJ)
Arab Women's Solidarity Association
Centre for Jerusalem Studies (CJS)
Foundation for Middle East Peace (FMEP)
Interuniversity Consortium for Arab and Middle Eastern Studies (McGill University)
Israel/Palestine Center for Research and Information (IPCRI)
Jerusalem Center for Women
Jerusalem Fund for Education and Community Development
Muwatin: Palestinian Institute for the Study of Democracy
Palestine Monitor
Palestinian Academic Society for the Study of International Affairs (PASSIA)
Palestinian National Authority
Palestinian Red Crescent Society
Palestinian Refugee ResearchNet
Permanent Observer Mission of Palestine to the UN
http://www.un.org/depts/dhl/palestinian/'

woensdag 28 november 2007

Annelys de Vet



Annelys de Vet heeft een heel bijzonder boek gemaakt. Het heet Subjective Atlas of Palestine, het is een aflevering in een serie van subjectieve atlassen. Het laat mensen, zien, gewone mensen, en planten, en cartoons, en patronen en de Muur en stoelen en lachende mensen en een Israelische soldaat die een andere soldaat fotografeert terwijl die zijn geweer richt, en prachtige landschappen met cypressen, en mensen met mooie gezichten. Ik zal er verder niets over zeggen, u moet het zelf maar bekijken.

Zie: http://www.annelysdevet.nl/politiek/atlas_palestina/images/Subjectieve%20Atlas%20Palestina.pdf En ook:
http://www.annelysdevet.nl/


Wat mij ook opviel was dit interview met Annelys de Vet. Ze is iemand met een hart. Ze vertelt over hoe geschokt ze was over de situatie waarin de Palestijnen leven en ook over het feit dat de Nederlanders dit niet willen aannemen. Het past niet binnen het propagandistische beeld dat zij van de Palestijnen en de Israeli's hebben. En ja hoor, dan stelt de NRC-journaliste de volgende vraag: 'De Subjectieve Atlassen moesten toch een onpartijdig beeld schetsen?' Herhaal die vraag nog eens voor uzelf. Impliciet in deze vraag ligt een oordeel, namelijk dat het gruwelijke beeld dat Annelys aan de onderdrukking van de Palestijnen overhield niet onpartijdig is. Ze heeft volgens de vragenstelster in feite niet gezien wat ze gezien heeft. Ze is partijdig geweest en heeft dus een vertekend beeld overgehouden van de werkelijkheid. De werkelijkheid is minder erg. Dat denkt de journaliste te weten omdat ze meent dat ze onpartijdig is door bijvoorbeeld deze vraag te stellen. Ze beseft niet hoe onnozel ze daardoor is. Vragenstelster impliceert dat hier sprake is van een subjectieve mening, geen onpartijdige feiten. Voor de journaliste betekent onpartijdigheid de waarheid. Stel Annelys was getuige geweest van het vermoorden van joden in Polen tijdens de oorlog en ze was geschokt teruggekomen, dan had de journaliste geconstateerd dat Annelys niet onpartijdig was geweest, want onpartijdig zijn betekent dat je niet geschokt kunt raken. Met andere woorden: alles dat schokkend is, is gekleurd, misschien bestaat het schokkende niet eens. Dit is het standpunt van jonge mensen die beschermd zijn opgegroeid in een cocon van welvaart. Alles is voor hen consequentieloos. Niets is echt van waarde, waardoor alles van waarde weerloos is geworden, zoals Lucebert maar al te goed besefte. Om dat nog eens te benadrukken stelt de journaliste vervolgens de vraag of er ook een Subjectieve Atlas van Israel komt? want dan is voor haar kennelijk de zaak weer in evenwicht. De waarheid ligt ergens in een onbestemd midden. Ach, er zal wel eens iets verkeerd gaan daar, maar waar niet? Gruwelijkheden bestaan voor haar niet. En zouden ze toch bestaan dan moet ze als journaliste die werkelijkheid neutraliseren door een ander verhaal ernaast te plaatsen, meestal propaganda, interpretaties en meningen die ons vertellen hoe we de werkelijkheid moeten ervaren. Want de waarheid bestaat voor haar niet, de waarheid is een kwestie van enerzijds anderzijds, van geven en nemen, van een onsje meer of minder. Feiten spelen geen rol voor de journaliste. Alles ligt voor haar ergens in het grijze midden. Ze zal het ver schoppen in de moderne journalistiek.

In de journalistiek van de commerciele massamedia zijn vragen steeds meer de dragers van meningen. Moet u maar eens opletten, de meningen zijn weliswaar verborgen, maar ze liggen toch vlak onder de oppervlakte.

The Empire 312

'US hopes peace talks will forge Arab unity against Iran
BEN LYNFIELD IN JERUSALEM

ISRAELI and Palestinian leaders will meet today in Annapolis, Maryland in the most serious effort yet by the US president, George Bush, to relaunch negotiations on resolving the core issues of their conflict - with Iran as a ghost in the room.
The one-day conference comes seven years after peace efforts led by the then US president Bill Clinton broke down. The meeting will be attended by at least a dozen Arab states, many of which do not have diplomatic relations with Israel, including Syria.
Mr Bush and many of the participants will be hoping to use the gathering to forge co-operation against Iran and its suspected efforts to attain nuclear weapons capability, according to Israeli analysts.
"Iran is the strategic subtext of this meeting," said Yossi Alpher, a former director of the Jaffee Centre for Strategic Studies at Tel Aviv University. "The US has finally got interested in dealing seriously with the Israeli-Palestinian conflict because of its dilemmas in the Gulf and its need to ensure backing for its policies in Iraq and Iran."
Yasser Abed Rabbo, a Palestinian negotiator said the two sides were close yesterday to agreeing on a joint document of principles to guide peace talks that could be announced.
Ehud Olmert, the Israeli prime minister, said negotiations with the Palestinians would have a better chance of a positive outcome than in the past because "we have a lot of participation", an apparent reference to the Arab League's decision to attend. "We and the Palestinians will sit together in Jerusalem and work out something that will be very good."
Mr Abbas faced criticism from hardliners back home, with the Islamic fundamentalist Hamas movement that controls the Gaza Strip convening its own conference in Gaza City along with Islamic Jihad "to safeguard Palestinian rights."
Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, the Iranian supreme leader, said the peace conference was "doomed to failure" and was intended to "give assistance to the Zionists".'

Lees verder: http://news.scotsman.com/international.cfm?id=1857642007

Sander van Hoorn 3





De klassieke fout van NOS-Journaal correspondent Sander van Hoorn is dat hij in de anderhalve minuut die hij van Hilversum krijgt om 'eens door te praten' over het Israelisch-Palestijns conflict verzuimt een juiste context te kiezen. De context die hij geeft is er 1 van: waar twee vechten zijn twee fout en moeten twee iets inleveren.

Het feit dat het hier gaat om een illegale al 40 jaar durende bezetting is achter de horizon verdwenen. Het feit dat het hier gaat om een bijna 60 jaar durende schending van het onvervreemdbare recht van de etnisch gezuiverde Palestijnen om naar hun huis terug te keren, is achter de horizon verdwenen. Het feit dat ongeveer 40 procent van de Westbank door Israel in beslag is genomen, is achter de horizon verdwenen. Het feit dat van de 47 procent die de Palestijnen in 1947 van de Verenigde Naties kreeg, er voorafgaand aan 1967 slechts 22 procent overbleef, is achter de horizon verdwenen. Het feit dat de PLO als offciele vertegenwoordiger van de Palestijnen al in 1988 publiekelijk akkoord ging met het verlies van 47-22 procent=25 procent van hun land, is achter de achter de horzion verdwenen. Dat er door de voortgaande Israelische landroof er iets meer dan 10 procent is overgebleven van de 47 procent die het van de VN heeft gekregen, is achter de horizon verdwenen. Dat een toekomstige Palestijnse staat niet levensvatbaar kan zijn op minder dan een kwart van de oppervlakte die de wereldgemeenschap aan de Palestijnen gaf, is achter de horizon verdwenen. De vraag of het terecht is dat het Westen van de Palestijnen verwacht dat ze serieus gaan onderhandelen over rechten die ze al hebben, is achter de horizon verdwenen. Dat wij Westerlingen kennelijk akkoord gaan met grove schendingen van het internationaal recht door Israel, is achter de horizon verdwenen. Waarom doet Sander van Hoorn dit?

Het antwoord is eenvoudig:

In Another Century of War? schrijft de Amerikaanse historicus Gabriel Kolko: 'In every country, only a finite range of views receive a hearing in policy-making circles, and ambitious individuals fully understand the boundaries of permissible analyses... Those who become the leaders of states are ultimately conformists on most crucial issues, and individuals who evaluate information in a rational manner - and therefore frequently criticize traditional premises are weeded out early in their careers. The socialization process in most, even all nations eliminates such people, and ambitious ones comprehend full well the analytic and political boundaries upon which their future careers depend... Political systems are not constructed to obtain and confront unpleasant facts, and they have few safeguards against irrational behavior. This myopia is increasingly dangerous.'

Dit geeft ook antwoord op een vraag die me herhaaldelijk gesteld wordt: waarom zijn journalisten van de commerciele massamedia zulke conformisten? Het is duidelijk dat alleen conformisten een kans hebben met succes een journalistieke carriere na te streven. Zo is het nu eenmaal. Ik heb dat meer dan drie decennia van nabij kunnen zien. Sterker nog: de vader van Sander van Hoorn, Henk van Hoorn, was een levende illustratie van dit feit. Hij wist precies wat hij wel en wat hij niet kon zeggen. Het enige conflict dat hij als journalist ooit had, ging om het feit dat hij weigerde op tv een stropdas te dragen, een heldendaad waarover hij met verve kon vertellen. En zo sleept de geschiedenis zich voort, als een vicieuze cirkel.

Dat wil niet zeggen dat goede journalisten ook onmiddellijk conformisten zijn. Sommigen weten een tijdlang als het ware door de mazen van de wet te glippen. Iedere journalist die hogerop wil moet weten wat de officiele waarheid is. Kent hij/zij de grenzen van wat toegestaan niet, dan weet het systeem hem of haar als en soort virus af te stoten.

Truthout Sunday 20/11/2026

  SUNDAY, SEPTEMBER 20, 2026 Walking September 11’s Other Crime Scenes Millions had fled along the highway I had taken. Behind them Iraq was...