Jeff Halper (1946) is an American-born anthropologist, author, lecturer, and political activist who has lived in Israel since 1973. He is a co-founder of The People Yes! Network (TPYN) and the former Director of the Israeli Committee Against House Demolitions (ICAHD).
Halper has written several books on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and is a frequent writer and speaker about Israeli politics, focusing mainly on nonviolent strategies to solve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. He is a supporter of the BDS movement and the academic boycott of Israel,
and considers Israel to be guilty of “apartheid” and of a deliberate campaign to “judaize” the occupied Palestinian territories.
In de inleiding stelt hij zich de vraag: “Hoe Israel wegkomt met zijn wangedrag”.
This book began with a question that many activists like myself have asked over the years: How does Israel get away with it? In a decidedly post-colonial age, how is Israel able to sustain a half-century occupation over the Palestinians, a people it violently displaced in 1948, in the face of almost unanimous international opposition? Why, indeed, does the international community tolerate an unnecessary conflict that not only obstructs efforts to bring some stability to the wider Middle East, a pretty important geo-political region in which the United Statesand Europe are fighting a number of wars, but one that severely disrupts the international system as a whole?
Een zeer aannemelijke verklaring is dat deze publieke figuren willen vermijden antisemitische sentimenten op te roepen/ aan te wakkeren.
The people who make up the movement, Jews and non-Jews alike, have embraced Chomsky’s position because it is the message they want to hear; not feeling obligated to “blame the Jews” is reassuring. The fear of either provoking anti-Semitism or being called an anti-Semite (or a self- hating Jew), has become so ingrained into our culture and body politic that no one, including Chomsky or Zunes, is immune.This is reinforced by constant reminders of the Jewish Holocaust that, by no accident, appear in the movies and in major news media on a regular basis.
Chomsky, in particular, has been heavily criticized by the Jewish establishment for decades for his criticism of Israeli policies, even to the point of being “excommunicated,” a distinction he shares with the late Hannah Arendt. It may be fair to assume that at some level this history influences Chomsky’s analysis.
Naast deze in mijn ogen zeer belangrijke invloed van de “Israel Lobby” verwijst Halper naar een andere invloed die Israel op de internationale gemeenschap heeft.
I noticed that Israel has diplomatic relations with 157 countries, and virtually all the agreements and protocols Israel has signed with them contain military and security components. From those tiny threads, it dawned on me that when military relations are mixed into diplomatic stew, new, surprising and seemingly impossible constellations emerge. As I began to trace Israel’s military relations more closely, another picture emerged in which Israel was actually a regional hegemon accepted as such – or at least related as such – by the other countries of the region and beyond. Israel’s position in the world could not be explained by normal international relations; again, most countries strongly opposeits Occupation policies. Nor could lobbies or the Holocaust explain that.
Israel it seemed was succeeding in parlaying its military and securocratic prowess into political clout, in pursuing what I now call security politics. The Occupied Palestinian Territories, I now understood, did not pose a financial burden on Israel or an unwanted source of insecurity and conflict. Indeed, the opposite was the case. Without an occupation and an interminable conflict, how would Israel sustain its strong international standard? The Occupation represents a resource in two senses: economically, it provides a testing ground for the development of weapons, security systems, models of population control and tactics without which Israel would be unable to compete in the international arms and security markets, but not less important, being a major military power serving other militaries and security services the world over lends Israel an international status among the global hegemons it would not have otherwise.
EEN AANTAL FEITEN
- In dit “Military-Industrial Complex” naam voor het eerst gebruikt door President Eisenhower in de vijftiger jaren gaat per jaar 2.25 trillion dollars om.( Het Amerikaanse, Canadese en modern Engelse trillion betekent 1000 × 1000 tot de 3demacht, dus een biljoen 10 tot de 12de macht =1.000.000.000.000$).
- In 2011 bedroeg het defensie budget van de Verenigde Staten $708 miljard, het hoogste sinds de Tweede Wereldoorlog en een derde hoger dan op het hoogtepunt van de Vietnam Oorlog. De US geeft 4.3 % van zijn bruto binnenlands product (BBP) uit.
- Israel geeft $15 miljard aan de defensie uit, dat is 6.5-8.5 % van het (bbp). Israel is de 15de op de lijst van de defensie uitgaven en geeft zodoende veel meer aan bewapening uit dan Iran, Noord Korea, Pakistan of Egypte. In 1982 werd meer dan een derde van het Israel defensie budget door de V.S. gefinancierd.
- in 1981 is Israel van een wapen importeur een wapen exporteur geworden en wel de 7de van de wereld met een omzet van $1.3 miljard.
- De aanval op de V.S. 9/11, de Bush II regeringsverklaring met de “War on Global Terror” en de dramatisch verlopen oorlog met Irak hebben de vraag naar geavanceerde bewapening doen toenemen. Naast wapentuig levert Israel militaire ‘adviseurs’ en modellen voor ‘security control’. Homeland Security is daar een centraal thema in.De ervaringen op gedaan in de Occupied Teritory zijn daar van essentieel belang bij..
Despite being dependent on the US, Israel has emerged as a key player in the international arms market, especially in areas such as high-tech weaponry, upgrading, intelligence gathering, surveillance, and counter-terrorism.
In 1990 waren Israel en de V.S. betrokken in 322 gezamenlijke ondernemingen en 49 projecten ter waarde van $2.9 miljard. De projecten waren gericht op co-ontwikkeling, co-productie en onderzoek. Deze voorkeursbehandeling maar ook die met de NAVO in 2004 werd bekrachtigd, gaf de Israëliërs unieke mogelijkheden.
Over the years, there were quite a few cases in which defense deals preceded the establishment of political-defense relations. For example diplomatic relations with Sri Lanka followed exports of weapon systems. Israel directed its export to a range of countries, including states that were “ostracized” by the international community (Chile and South Africa); South American states suspected of drug dealing; African states connected to genocide (and even China); states that were formerly hostile to Israel (Egypt and Jordan); “wavering” states in North Africa, and the Gulf emirates. Israel managed to establish connections with African states via supplies of arms needed by those states, for example, in exports to Uganda, Congo, Kenya, and Ethiopia. Overall, Israel has contributed vital targeting information for the air campaign against ISIS in Iraq and Syria, since its spy satellites are dedicated to covering the Middle East more thoroughly than those of the US and other countries. Unmanned Aerial Vehicles, UAVs or Drones, play a key role in establishing dominant maneuver. Israel was the first country to appreciate the combat and surveillance value of Drones.